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HISTORY

TOWN OF PLYMOUTH,

WITH A SKETCH OF THE

ORIGIN' AND GROWTH OF SEPARATISM.

LLUSTRATED.

FOEMER PRESIDENT OF THE PIIJiRIM SOCIETY.

PHILADELPHIA:

J . W. LEWIS & CO.

1885.

!Y J. \y. LkWIS & Co.

PREFACE.

. 114.2281

The body of this work was written as a contribution to a voluminous liistory of the County of Plymouth. The available space was necessarily limited, and consequently much of the material essential to the completeness of a town history was sparingly used, while some of it was omitted altogether. To remedy a defect, which would be more apparent in a distinct and separate work, an appendix has been added, in which some of the sulijects referred to in the principal text are more fully treated, and some new subjects are introduced, which the reader may find interesting and instructive.

Tlie numbers attached to the notes in the appendix correspond to numbei-s placed

f, -.1

I

V either between the lines of the principal text in connection with the subjects to which the

'-'notes relate', or in the spaces, where they might properly be inserted.

« j]) Tlie author has long realized the want of a concise, yet comprehensive, sketch of the

Pilgrim movement, its origin, its growth, its development, and of the settlement at Plvmor.th

^ to which it finally led ; a history from which the general reader might obtain, without

\, laborious research, that amount of information which everj^ educated man should possess in

:\^the various departments of American history. All readers are not students. The student

\ : of Pilgrim history is not deterred from the task of reading :Mourt's " Relation," ]Morton's

"New England's Memorial," Thacher's "History," Young's "Chronicles," Benjamin Scott's

" Lectures," and the formidable array of other books, ancient and modern, bearing directly

or indirectly on the subject. But the general reader looks for a single work, in which

he may find an intelligible and connected outline of the ^shole Pilgrim storv. It has been

the aim of the author to meet both the wants of this class of readers and, to a limited

extent at least, the more exacting demands of the antiquary and historian. In this aim

he hopes that he has not wholly failed.

Plymouth, March 20, 1885.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. Scrooby— Holland— The Voyage— The Landing

CHAPTER II. Settlement at Plymouth — Treaty with Massasoit- Merchant Adven-

CHAPTER III. Life of the Colony— Town Government— Second Patent— Death of

CHAPTER IV. nited Coloniea— Town Officers — Death of Bradford — Quakeri

CHAPTER V. King Philip's War— Union of the Colonies— Cole's Hill— Burial UiU — Expedition to Louisbourg— Stamp Act

CHAPTER VI. Loyalists— Revolution— Soldiers— Embargo— War of 1812

CHAPTER VII. Foreign Trade— Representative Men- Celebration of 1820— Fire Department— Rebellion

CHAPTER VIII. Plymouth Church— Schools— Manufactures— Institutions

CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.

I. The Landing at Plymouth, Dec. 11, 1620 (Old Style;

II. Martin Priug

III. The Northmen

IV. The "Mayflower"

V. The Great Charter

VI. The Old Colony Boundary

VIL History of the Patent of 1629

VIII. Early Schools

IX. Town Treasurers

X. Editors of New Plymouth Records

XI. Agawam and Wareham

XII. Crown Point Soldiers

XIII. Pilgrim Celebrations '

.IGE	NO.
133	XIV.
134	XV.
136	XVI.
137	XVII.
137	XVIII.
lot	XXII.
	XXIII.
158	XXIV.
158	XXV.
159	XXVL
leo	XXVII.

James Otia

Plymouth Privateera in the Revolution

Plymouth Artillery Company

List of Ponds in Plymouth

Seceders from the First Church in 17-J3

Plymouth Public Library

Town Valuation and Appropriations , .

Whale Fishery

Old Colony Railroad

Newspapers

Government Ofhcers in Plymouth . . .

Population at Various Periods

Description of Illustrations

Samoset

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Town Square of Plymouth Scrooby — England .... The "Mayflower" .... The Landing

Autographs

National Monument

Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth Rock and Canopy

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

CHAPTER I.

SCROOBY— HOLLAND— THE VOYAOE— THE LAND-

No history of tins ancient town can make any claim to thoroughness without a reference to those movements in the Old World which resulted in its settlement. Though the fruit which has grown and is ripening on those western shores bears no resemblance to any seen before, the branches through whose chan- nels it draws its life are grafts of the parent tree, for whose roots we must search in foreign soil. The evolu- tion of principles and events, making the history of man a single chain connecting the world of to-day with the remotest past, tempts the historian into more re- mote fields than the demands of a mere historical sketch of any town, city, or even nation would jus- tify. No clear statement, however, of the Pilgrim colonization of New England can be made without a record of the birth of those Pilgrim principles, whose conception had long before occurred, but whose grad- ual development demanded a virgin soil and a free air for their life and growth.

For the date of their birth we must go back at least as far as the Reformation. Under Henry the Eighth the seeds of the Reformation were sown. The hand which sowed them was guided not so much by Protes- tant impulses, as by a desire to revenge itself against the Pope. Owing to the determination of Clement to oppose his divorce from Catherine, Henry shook off his allegiance to Rome and declared himself the head of the Church. Afterwards provoked into new attitudes of hostility, and finally exasperated by a re- taliatory excommunication, he initiated a move- ment which could not fail to draw the sunlight upon the seeds of Protestantism which wore ready under favorable conditions to germinate and grow. Monas- teries were suppressed, shrines were demolished, the worship of images was forbidden, and Woisey, a prince

of the Roman Church, was arrested and tried for trea- son. In order that the minds of tlie people might be turned against Rome, the Bible, translated into English by Tyndale a few years before, and smuggled as a prohibited book into England from the conti- nent, was permitted to be printed at home, and thus the popular use and reading of the Scriptures became the corner-stone on which the structure of religious freedom was destined to be built. But Henry re- mained a Catholic nevertheless. He was fighting a battle in his own camp, having raised the banner of revolt against his spiritual commander, all unconscious of the enemy of Protestantism at the gates taking advantage of the dissensions in the citadel to plant its standards on the walls.

Thus the reign of Henry the Eighth ended in 1547, and that of his son, Edward the Sixth, began. The new king, only ten years of age, under the pro- tectorate of Sir Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, and eldest brother of Queen Jane, the mother of Edward, was placed as a pupil in the hands of John Cheeke, a Greek lecturer at the University of Cam- bridge, and Richard Cox, who instructed him in the Protestant faith. During his short reign the religious instruction of the people was urged, and the cause of Protestantism advanced. The statute of the sis arti- cles, sometimes called the Bloody Statute, enacted under the reign of his father, was repealed, and a new liturgy, or Book of Common Prayer, drawn up. The mass was changed into the commu-nion ; con- fession to the priest was made optional ; the English Bible was placed in every church ; marriages "by the clergy were permitted ; the removal of all images and pictures from the churches was ordered ; and the ceremonies of bearing palms on Palm Sunday, candles on Candlemas-day, ashes on Ash Wednesday, and some of the rites used on Good Friday and Easter were forbidden. It could hardly be expected that the reform would be a radical one. A revolution in spiritual matters was not attempted, for there was danger that it could not be sustained. It was a ref ormation only that was sought, and thus in framing

HISTORY OF PLVMOUTFI.

the new liturgy many popish superstitions were re- tained, and the llomaii manual was, to a great extent, adopted as its model. But, as in every reform the [ most speedy and thorough eradication of old errors is in the end the surest and safest method, so the timid or conservative policy pursued under Edward not only failed to appease the opponents of reform, but fell far short of meeting the requirements of the reformers, who were eager to destroy the faintest relics of Romanism.

The result of this policy was Puritanism ; and the first Puritan was John Hooper, an Oxford scholar. Hooper had severely denounced, under Henry, the provisions of the Bloody Statute and fled to Ger- ma ly, where he pur-sued his studies in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, and became a learned scholar and divine. Returning to London under the reign of Edward, he received orders from the king and Council to preach before the court once a week during Lent. In 1550 he was appointed bishop of Gloucester, but declined it on account of the oath of supremacy in the name of God and the saints and the Holy Ghost, and also on account of the habits worn by the bishops. The king respecting his scruples concerning the oath struck it out, and both the king and Cranmer were inclined to yield to his scruples concerning the habits also, but a majority of the Council said, '■ The thing is indifferent, and therefore the law ought to be obeyed." After a contest of nine months, in the cour.se of which Hooper suffered a short imprison- ment for his contumacy, a compromise was effected, by which he consented to be robed in his habits at his consecration and when he preached before the ! king, but at all other times he should be permitted to dispense with them. |

Pending the setllement of this rjuestion the Ref- ormation went on. The doctrines of the church j were yet to be remodeled. Under the direction of Archbishop Cranmer and Bishop Ridley forty-two articles were framed upon the chief points of Chris- [ tian faith, which, after correction and approval by other bi.shops and divines, received the royal sanc- tion. These articles are, with some alterations, the same as those now in use, having been reduced to thirty-nine at the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth. The final work of reformation in the reign of Edward was a second revision of the Book of Common Prayer, by which some new features were added, and some of those to which advanced reformers had objected were struck out.

At the age of sixteen, Edward closed his reign, to be succeeded by Bloody Mary, under whose auspices Romanism was au'ain reinstated in Eu'^laud, and the

reformatory laws of Edward were repealed. The persecutions which characterized her reign perhaps, however, were the means of advancing the Protestant cause more surely than would have been possible un- der Edward. The reformers, whose moderate de- n)ands might have been satisfied by a partial aban- donment of Romish forms, were forced into exile and subjected in other lands to new and potent influences, which only served to make their demands more ex- treme when the time should again arise for them to be pressed. The current of Protestantism, wiiich flowed towards the continent to escape the persecu- tions of Mary, flowed back, after her five years' reign, on the accession of Elizabeth, in separate streams, — one to buoy up and sustain the English Church with all the forms with which the new queen invested it, and the other to sweep away, if possible, every ves- tige of Romanism in its ritual. The contumacy of John Hooper was but a single Puritan wave, which met a yielding barrier and disappeared. With the return of the exiles from Geneva a new tide of Puri- tanism set in, with an ocean of resolute thought be- hind it, which no barrier was firm enough to stay. It began its career, as was the case with Hooper, with a simple protest against forms of worship, a protest which, when conformity was demanded by the bishops, gradually expanded into a denial of the power which demanded it. The more urgent the demand the greater the resistance, until persecution converted objection to a ritual into a conscientious contempt of prelatical power.

Thus Separatism appeared as the full blossom of the bud of Puritanism. Though the great body of Puritans remained within the ranks of episcopacy, desirous only of its reform, liere and there were those who claimed the right to set up churches of their own, with their own church government, their own pastors and elders, subject to no control or inter- ference either from the bishops or the crown. The first separation from the church worthy of note took place in 1567. A body of worshipers to the number of one hundred or more occupied a hall in London in Anchor Lane belonging to the company of the Plumbers, and held service in accordance with their own methods. The clergymen present were John Benson, Christopher Coleman, Thomas Roland, and Robert Hawkins, all of whom had been deprived of their livings for non-conformity. Among the prom- inent laymen was William White, who was described as " a sturdy citizen of London and a man of fortune." The inquiry naturally suggests itself whether William White the " Mayflower" Pilgrim may not have be- longed to the same family, and been perhaps his sou.

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

Thirty-one of these worshipers were sent to prison, and, after ten and a half months' confinement, were warned of greater severity on the repetition of their objectionable conduct, and then discharged.

In 1576 John Copping, Elias Thacker, and Robert Brown, all clergymen of the established church who had been deprived of their livings by the bishops, became conspicuous in the Separatist movement. Brown was a man of high family, related to Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and chaplain to the Duke of Nor- fiilk. He fled to Holland, where, while pastor of a Separatist congregation of English exiles, he wrote several books expounding Separatist doctrines, which were surreptitiously distributed in England. At the time of their publication Copping and Thacker were in prison, and in some way managed to aid in their distribution. For this ofiense they were transferred from the hands of the bishops, whose prisoners they were, to the secular power, and tried on the charge of sedition. In June, 1593, both died on the gallows. Brown returned to England, and after a sentence of excommunication finally recanted, and became the recipient of a living at the hands of those whose power he had so long denied and resisted. He had, however, been identified with the new movement sufficiently long to stamp his followers with the name Brownists, a name which was for a long period applied without regard to minor differences of opinion in matters of doctrine and church government to all who had separated themselves from the established church. At a later day John Robinson warned his i congregation to throw off and reject the name, but it | is a reasonable conjecture that he was influenced i more by a disgust at the recantation of Brown than by any opposition to the views he had promulgated.

But the fate of Copping and Thacker had little effect in checking the onward movement of Separatism. The martyrdom of Barrow and Greenwood and Ap- Henry followed soon after, and added only fuel to the flame, which was burning too fiercely for any prelati- cal tyranny to extinguish. Henry Barrow was a graduate of Cambridge, a member of the legal pro- fession in London, and a frequenter of the court of Elizabeth. John Greenwood, also a graduate of Cam- bridge, had been ordained in the church, and had served as chaplain in the family of Lord Rich, a Puritan nobleman of Rochford in Esses. John Ap- Henry, or Penry, as he is generally called in history, was a Welshman, who took his first degree in Cam- bridge, and the degree of Master of Arts at Oxford. They had all passed rapidly through the mild stage of Puritanism, which they found no fit resting-place, and entered with enthusiasm into the cause of Separatism.

As Separatism grew Puritanism grew also, and as naturally as fruit follows the flower, Puritanism was constantly and inevitably swelling into Separatism. While denouncing Separatism as a schism and hating schism as a sin, the Puritan, while thinking himself merely a non-conformist in methods, found himself drifting as unconscious of motion as the aeronaut into a positive repudiation of doctrine. Francis Johnson, a noted convert to Separatism, illustrated in his career the attitude and experience of a large number of Puri- tans. A bitter enemy of Separatism, though a de- termined Puritan, he lent himself with such earnest- ness to the suppres.sion of a book published by Bar- row and Greenwood that only two copies were pre- served, one for himself and one for a friend. When he had done his work, as he said himself, " He went home, and being set down in his study he began to turn over some pages of this book and superficially to read some things here and there as his fancy led him. At length he met with something that began to work upon his spirit, which so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution seriously to read over the whole book, the which he did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and his conscience was troubled so as ho could have no rest in himself until he crossed the sea and came to London to confer with the au- thors, then in prison." The result of his conversion was the organization, in 1592, of a Separatist congre- gation in Southwark, which was the original start- ing-point of a society still flourishing. In 1G16, Henry Jacob became pastor of this church, followed by John Lothrop, who came to America in 1634, and was settled over the church in Scituate. Johnson, soon after the organization of his church, was banished from England and became pastor of a banished church in Amsterdam, where he " caused the same book which he had been the instrument to burn to be new printed and set out at his own charge."

But in the onward movement of Separatism it may be asked. What was the attitude of Puritanism? It must not be supposed because Separatists were Puri- tans that Puritans were Separatists, or that there was the slightest sympathy or friendship between the two. The Puritans adhered to the church, protesting only against some of its objectionable forms, and denounc- ing Separatism as a schism and a sin, — the Separatists pushed to the extremes of reform, and denounced those who tarried by the way. Indeed, in the Parliament of 1593, in which the Puritan element predominated in the Commons, a law was passed so qualifying the act of 23 Elizabeth, intended to apply to Papists only, as to impose the punishment of banishment on all who were guilty of writing or speaking against the

HISTORY OF PLY.MOrTH.

1 well as those who published, seditious mat- ter against the crown. It was this law, sustained as vigorously by the Puritans as by ecclesiastical au- thority, which swelled the tide destined to sweep Sepa- ratism out of England. The Puritans could not tolerate any opposition to the old idea of ecclesiastical unity, and believed that tlic national church, though perhaps unscripturally organized, contained within itself the true Church of Christ. They believed, therefore, that Parliament might rightfully enact laws for ecclesiastical government and for the punishment of ecclesiastical offenders. Their approval, therefore, of this law was entirely consistent with their attitude of hostility to the Separatists, and should always be borne in mind as measuring the distinction between two bodies of reformers, which have been persistently and ignorantly mingled and confounded.

The next independent church established in Eng- land was that of John Smith, organized at Gains- borough in 1602. In early life Smith had been a pupil of Francis Johnson, and was at one time con- nected with the Southwark Church. He removed to Amsterdam with his congregation ; afterwards became a Baptist, removing with his followers to Ley, where he embraced the views of Arminius, which he ably defended in a book answered by John Robinson in IGll. The date of the formation of the Pilgrim Church at Serooby has been stated incorrectly by Na- thaniel Morton, in "New England's Memorial," to have been 1602. The discovery of Bradford's history has exposed this among other errors, and fixed the year 1G06 as the true date. It is known that the de- parture of the congregation for Holland took place in the early part of 1G08. Bradford says, " So after they had continued together about a year they resolved to get over into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 1607-8." He further says that Brewster died in 1643, and " that he had borne his part in weal and woe witli this persecuted church above thirty-six years in England, Holland, and this wilder- ness."

The founder of this church was William Brewster, one who, in the language of an English antiquarian, " was the most eminent person in the Pilgrim move- ment, and who, if that honor is to be given to any single person, must bo regarded as the father of New England." He was the son of William Brewster, of Serooby, who held the position of postmaster for many years. He was born in 1560, and having spent four years in the University of Cambridge, entered in 1584 the service of Sir William Davison, then starting on an embassy to the Netherlands to prepare the way for .-•uch sub.'>tantial aid from Eiii.;laud as might rescue

that country from the despotism of Catholic Philip of Spain. Brewster attended him as secretary, and when the port of Flushing, with important fortre-sses in Holland and Zealand were transferred to Elizabeth as security for men and money loaned, the keys of Flushing were placed in the hands of Brewster, and held by him until the arrival of Sir Philip Sidney, who was appointed to its permanent command. On the return of Davison to England he was made a secretary of state and one of the Privy Council, and Brewster continued to act as his secretary. The un- fortunate death of Mary, Queen of Scots, involving a misunderstanding between Elizabeth and her secre- tary of state concerning the issue of the death war- rant, terminated the oiEcial career of Davison and threw Brewster out of employment. Queen Mary was executed on the 8th of February, 1586/7, and Davison was committed to the Tower six days after- wards. Brewster probably removed to Serooby about the year 1588, to take charge of the business of his father, who was in poor health. It is known that his father died in the summer of 1590, and that he then claimed in his application for the appointment to fill the vacancy that he had performed the duties of the office for a year and a half Through some misunder- standing Sir John Stanhope, who was appointed post- master-general June 20, 1590, and knew little of the circumstances of the case, made another appointment, from which, however, he sooner or later receded at the urgent solicitation of Davison, who, notwithstand- ing his apparent disgrace, seems to have retained in- fluence at court. It is known that on the 1st of April, 1594, William Brewster was in full possession of the office, and remained its incumbent until Sept. 30, 1607.

To Serooby then in 1588 William Brewster went, a small village on the borders of Nottinghamshire, about three miles from Austerfield, in Yorkshire, with the river Idle flowing between. He occupied the old manor-house of the bishops, which as far back as William the Conqueror had been a possession of the archbishops of York. Here he lived, as Bradford says, "doing much good in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practice and example, but by procuring good preachers to all places thereabouts, and drawing in of others to assist and help forward in such a work, he himself most commonly deeply in the charge, and sometimes above his ability." Here he remained a mild non-conformist at first, and, as Bradford again says, " doing the best good he could, and walking according to the revealed light he saw until the Lord revealed further unto him." Finally, the inorea.>iug demands of tlie bishops determined

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HISTORY OP PLYMOUTH.

him to throw off all allegiance to the church, and or- ganize an independent congregation. Sabbath after Sabbath they met in the manor-house, at first under the ministrations of Kichard Clyfton, and afterwards of John Robinson. Clyfton had been vicar of Marn- ham, and afterwards rector of Babworth, and when deprived of his living on account of non-conformity, he took charge of the little congregation at Scrooby. He went with them to Holland in 1 608, but remained in Amsterdam when they removed to Leyden, and died in 1616.

Soon after the pastorate of Clyfton began, John Robinson became associated with the Scrooby Church. Burn in Lincolnshire in 1576, Robinson entered Emanuel College in 1592, took the degree of M.A. in 1600, and B.D. in 1607. Ho began his minis- terial labors in Mundham, where, on account of his Puritan tendencies, he was at length suspended from his functions. He afterwards retired to Norwich, where, after laboring for a short time with a small congregation of Puritans, he at last renounced all communion with the church. While at Norwich ho was spoken of as " a man worthily reverenced of all the city for the grace of God in him." Robinson himself said " that light broke in upon hici by de- grees, that be hesitated to outrun those of his Puritan brethren who could still reconcile themselves to re- main in the Establishment," but that continual per- .'•eeution drove him to the extremes of separation. Baillie, in his writings, though an opponent of Sepa- ratism, culled him "the most learned, polished, and modest spirit that ever the sect enjoyed."

William Bradford was another of tbe Scrooby Church. His grandfather, William Bradford, was living at Austerfield in 1575, the father of three sons, — -William, Thomas, and Robert, — of whom William, the father of Governor Bradford, married Alice, the daughter of John Hanson. William Brad- ford, afterwards the Governor of the Plymouth Col- ony, was born in 1589, and was consequently about seventeen years of age at the time of the formation of the Scrooby Church. His father died in his infiincy, and he was reared and educated under the direction of his uncle Thomas. Though springing from the ranks of the yeomanry, he became a man of learning, and while in Holland not only became master of the language of the country, but added a knowledge of French, Latin, Greek, and even Hebrew, which ho studied, as he said, "that he might see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in all their native beauty." Though a young man, he resisted the opposition of his uncle and guardian, and joined the outlawed church of the Pilizrims, answering to all

remonstrances that " to keep a good conscience and walk in such a way as God has prescribed in His word is a thing which I shall prefer above you all, and above life itself" Such was the man who in his youth displayed qualities of mind and heart which, when fully matured, were for many years in later life the staff and support of the Plymouth Colony. With such men as Brewster, Robinson, and Bradford as a part of its ingredients, it is surely not to be wondered that the colony was led courageously and safely through the perilous paths which it was destined to tread, and finally planted on permanent foundations in the wilderness of the western world.

Among the members of the Scrooby Church, after- wards associated with the settlement of Plymouth, it may be possible to number George Morton, William Button, and the Southworths and Carpenters. The baptism of a George Morton is recorded in the registry of the Austerfield Church, under date of Feb. 12, 1598. It does not seem probable that this could I have been the George Morton who was the father of ' the Secretary Nathaniel Morton, and who came to New England in the "Ann" in 1(123, for his mar- riage-record exists in Leyden under date of 1612, in which he is described as George Morton, of York, in England, merchant. It is possible, however, that ' at the time of his baptism he may liave been somo- I what advanced in childhood, and that he may have I left his native place to settle in York, the place from which he afterwards hailed. The baptism of William Buttcn, son of Robert Butten, is also recorded in the Austerfield registry, under date of Sept. 12, 15S9, and that of William, son of William Wright, under date of March 10, 1589. Buttcn was probably the servant of Samuel Fuller, who started in the " May- flower," and was drowned on the passage. It is not j improbable that Wright was the William Wright I who came to New England in the " Fortune" in j 1621, and that both Butten and Wright were mem- j bers of the Scrooby Church. The Carpenters and Southworths are so intimately connected by marriage with different members of the Pilgrim Colony that we find it difficult to eliminate them from the band I of worshipers at Scrooby. George Morton, William Wright, Samuel Fuller, and Edward Southworth all married daughters of Alexander Carpenter, while Richard Cooper, another early settler of Plymouth, married the widow of William Wright; and Gov- ernor Bradford, after the loss of his first wife, mar- ried the widow of Edward Southworth. There is a tradition, too, that Bradford in early manhood had ' become attached to Alice (Carpenter) Southworth ' before her first marriage, but was opposed by her

10

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

friends. The fact tliat afttr tlie lo.-^s of bis wife, who was drowned iu Cape Cod harbor, lie propo.scd to her anew by letter soon after she became a widow, re- inforces the tradition, and so mingles the Bradford and Carpenter families as to strengthen the prob- ability of their common local origin and residence.

Of course, it was impossible for the church at Scrooby to remain long undisturbed. A longer resi- dence in England was neither compatible with safety, nor adapted to a free enjoyment of their worship, and consequently a removal to Holland was determined on. In ihe winter of 1G07-8 they made an attempt to embark from Boston in Lincolnshire, which resulted in failure, owing to the treachery of the captain who was to take them ou board his vessel, and many of ihcir number were arrested and temporarily im- prisoned. Why their departure should have been iu- terfered with, when the penalty for separation was banishment, has been a common inquiry. But King James had issued a proclamation against emigration to the English colony of Virginia without a royal license, and a suspicion was entertained, either real or feigned, that such was the destination of the Scrooby band. During the spring of 1C08 they succeeded in making their escape from Illngland, and after vexatious ilelays and annoyances reached Amsterdam in safety. It was intended at first to make Amsterdam their home, but dissens'rous between John Smith and Fran- cis Johnson, Engli.sh Separatists already settled there, induced them to remove, in the spring of 1609, to Leyden, twenty-two miles distant; and tliat place for nearly twelve years they made their residence.

In Leyden, then, from 1G09 to 1620 the Pilgrims lived, joined at various times by William White, Isaac Allerton, Samuel Fuller, Degory Priest, and Edward Winslow from London, Robert Cushman from Canterbury, George Morton from York, and John Carver and other exiles from various parts of England. Of these, Winslow, a man, if not of uni- versity education, at least of liberal culture, the son of Edward Winslow of Droitwich, in Worcester, joined the Pilgrims not many years before their em- barkation for New England. He married in Leyden, in 161S, Elizabeth Barker, of Chester, England, and became, as is well known both as Governor and at all times a wise and trusted counselor, one of the chief staffs and supports of the Plymouth Colony.

Miles Standish also joined the Pilgrims iu Leyden, not perhaps on account of any religious afiiuity, but because his bold and adventurous nature was tempted by the enterprise ou which they were about to embark. His groat-grandfather was a younger brother of the Standish family, of Dokesbury Hall, of which it is

believed John Standish, knighted by Ricliard the Second, was founder. He had served with the troops sent by Elizabeth to assist the Dutch against the armies of Spain, and during the armistice, which be- gan the year of the arrival of the Pilgrims in Leyden, • he had fallen in with some of their number and cast in with them his lot. The hand of Provicence, which seems to have guided every step of the Pilgrims with a clearer design than is apparent in most events in history, in attaching these men to the Pilgrim band, brought to it ingredients which it needed, if it needed anything, to make it a comprehensive, symmetrical organization, like an orchestra complete in all its parts, and wanting nothing to produce harmonious results. Without Winslow they were a body of religionists, circumscribed in their boundaries, keeping themselves un.spotted from a world with which after all they must finally mingle and negotiate. With him the states- man, the scholar, the mau of affairs, they had an am- bassador in whose diplomacy they might trust, and the fruits of whose wisdom they would be sure to reap. Without Standish they would have gone into undertakings the dangers of which had not even haunted their dreams, like soldiers in battle with neither armor nor arms. With him the complement of their trust in God would be contributed to their enterprise, — a trust in their own right arm, a valiant .spirit, an indomitable physical courage, without which trust in God would have been weak and powerIe.ss.

Richard Clyfton having concluded to remain in Amsterdam, John Robinson was chosen pastor, and at his house on Clock Alley, in the rear of St. Peter's Church, the congregation probably met on the Sabbath. Here Robinson lived from the 5th of May, IGll, the date of the deed of the premises, until his death, in 1G25. The records of the church of St. Peter's show that he was buried under its pavement, and that the sum of nite florins was paid for the right (jf burial. This sum only secured a place of deposit fur tlie term of seven years, and it is probable that at the cud of that time, cither his coffin was removed to an unknown grave, or his ashes were scattered in the burial of others. During the residence of the Pil- grims at Leyden Robinson was connected with the University of Leyden, and in the discussion with Episoopius he was selected as a man of recognized ability and learning to defend the tenets of Calvinism. In addition to ministrations in his church he engaged in the labors of authorship. He published in 1610 "A Justification of Separation from the Church;" iu 1614, a book on religious communion; in 1619, "Apologia Justa et Necessaria," and in 1624, the year before his death, •' A Defence of the Doctrine of the

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

n

Synod of Dort." His posthunious publications were " Essays and Observations Divine and Moral"' in 162S, and a " Treatise on the Lawfulness of Learning of tlie Ministers in the Cburcli of England" in 1634. A sweet and liberal spirit pervaded his life, full of charity, toleration, and love, and to his teachings was doubtless mainly due the freedom from bigotry which always characterized the Pilgrims, but for which, from the ignorant who have always confounded them with the Puritans, they have failed to receive credit.

William Brewster, obliged to seek some occupation for a livelihood, at first engaged in teaching the Eng- lish language to students in the university, and after- wards opened a publishing house, assisted with capital by Thomas Brewer, an Englishman, wlio was a mem- ber of the university. In 1616 he published a com- mentary in Latin on the Proverbs of Solomon, by Cartwright, with a preface by Polyander, and in 1618 a " Confutation of the Remish Translation of the New Testament," by the same author. A treatise in Latin on the true and genuine religion, and Ames' reply to Grevinchovius on the Arminian controversy (also in Latin) followed, and other works, which fully occupied his time until his departure for New Eng- land.

The appearance of these works caused King James to give orders to Sir Dudley Carleton, English am- bassador at the Hague, to prevent their further pub- lication, and if possible secure the arrest of the pub- lishers. Brewster was sought for, but was at that time in England, engaged in negotiations with the Virginia Company, and could not be found. Brewer was arrested, but. as under the charter of the univer- sity ho was exempted from the liability of being sent to England, the university only consented to his going on the condition that be should not be treated as a prisoner, and should, after his examination, be returned without charge to himself He was afterwards dis- charged, and it is probable that the abandonment by Brewster of his business, in anticipation of his departure, prevented further trouble.

Nor was Brewster alone in earning a livelihood. The other members of the Pilgrim Church had, doubtless, either disposed of or abandoned their worldly goods on leaving England, and were forced to engage in occupations far from indicative of their social condition before they became exiles, as refugees from the Old World, men of culture and high social stjnding, in our own country and time engage in pur- suits often the most menial to maintain themselves and families. It is recorded at Leyden that William Bradford was a fustian-maker or maker of cotton cloth ; that Robert Cushman and William White were

wool-carders ; Samuel Fuller and Stephen Tracy, say or silk-makers ; that John Jenney was a brewer's man; that Edward Winslow was a printer, and Degory Priest a hatter. It was evident that they were determined to keep the promise made by them when they took up their residence in Leyden. Be- fore leaving Amsterdam a letter was addressed to the burgomaster of Leyden, representing that John Rob- inson, a minister of the divine word, and some of the members of the Christian reformed religion, born in the kingdom of Great Britain, to the number of one hundred persons or thereabouts, men and women, were desirous of going to live in that city, and to have the freedom thereof in carrying on their trades " without being a burden in the least to any one." This request, the records of Leyden say, was granted. How well their promise was kept is shown by the re- gret expressed by the authorities of the city at their determination, after eleven years' residence, to leave a

j city to whose inhabitants they had furnished an ex- ample of industry, frugality, and virtuous living.

I There is no exact record of the number of the Pilgrim congregation under Robinson. Bradford's "Dialogue" states that before 1620 accessions to the church had increased its number to about three hun- dred. Bradford further says that the church of Johnson, before their division, contained about " three hundred communicants," " and for the church in Leyden there were sometimes not much fewer in number nor at all inferior in able men." Edward Winslow says, also, " These things being agreed, the major part stayed, and the pastor with them for the present, but all intended (except a few who had rather wo would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon the great work (but take notice the difference of number was not great)." We know that one hundred and twenty set sail in the " May- flower" and " Speedwell," and they being " the minor part," it is probable that one hundred and fifty or more remained. It is known, also, that one hundred and two finally sailed in the " Mayflower" in 1620, thirty- six in the " Fortune" in 1621, sixty in the " Little

I James" and " Ann" in 1623, thirty-five (with their families) in the "Mayflower" in 1629, and sixty in

1 the " Handmaid" in 1630, making in all three hun- dred or more as the probable number of the Pilgrim Church after twelve years' residence in Holland.

! Notwithstanding the occupations in which they were

' engaged in Leyden, the probable fact that Robinson, Brewster, Bradford, Winslow, White, Fuller, Allerton, and Cushman were educated men leads to the con-

I elusion that the Pilgrim community represented all

12

HIS TORY OF PLYMOUTH.

the different classes of Englisli life, outsiJc of tlio circle of nobility and of the hanj;ers-ou and depend- ents of court and fashionable life. Differences of social and intellectual condition there undoubtedly were among them, and between those of the highest and lowest these differences were extreme, but their common religious faith was a bond of union which it was not possible for any outward and worldly condi- tion to break. Thus constituted the Pilgrim congre- gation was like an island in the sea, and became neces- sarily a democratic community, surrounded as it was by a population of strange habits, a strange language, and strange methods of thought, which served to make it more compact and harmonious. Thus was the seed of a true democratic spirit planted, which finally ger- minated and found its full flower and perfect fruit in the soil of New England.

And more than this, the life of the Pilgrims in Holland, by the inscrutable wisdom of Providence, was a period of probation, which they were destined to serve before the great work of their lives began. They left England simply religious devotees; they finally left Holland trained, disciplined, practical men. Tiiey crossed the German Ocean, in 1608, full of religious zeal and tru.st in God ; they crossed the Atlantic, in 1G20, equally full of self-reliance and trust in themselves. They left their English homes bound together, it is true, by the bond of Christian sympathy and love, but still recognizing the distinc- tions of social and civil rank. Their life in Holland, under the pressure of common necessities, of common burdens, and at last of a common destiny, moulded them into a community in which labor became the foundation on which was reared that equality of rights and powers whicli became the recognized law. AVilhout this period of probation their efforts at colonization would have been a failure, — or, if not a failure, would have planted the seed of an autocratic government on these shores, from which it is hardly possible that the majestic tree could have sprung under which are now gathered in our land fifty millions of liberty-loving and liberty-enjoying men.

But the Pilgrims were not destined to remain in Holland. The period of their probation had ended; they were now ready for the work which God had civen them to do. The precise motives which influ- enced them in considering the question of a removal, it is difficult to state. Their residence in Holland began at the beginning of the twelve years' truce be- tween that country and Spain, and the period of the ' truce was rapidly coming to an end. They may not have unreasonably feared that a renewal of hostilities might result in the triumph of Philip, and in a per-

secution more serious than any they had before en- countered. They were among a strange people, and as the greater in time absorbs the less, they might have feared that sooner or later their identity would he lost. The education of their children too, both intellectual and moral, was a matter of serious con- cern, and they looked with anxiety on the influences and examples which surrounded them. It is by no means improbable that visions of the future occasion- ally rose before their eyes, and that they thought in a new world, away from all the controlling influences of the old, they might plant the foundations of a free and independent State. Having determined to leave Leyden, their place of destination became a matter for serious consideration. Virginia, named after the virgin queen, was decided on, and as early as Septem- ber, 1G17, the preliminary steps were taken. In that month John Carver and Robert Cushman were sent to England to obtain, if possible, a charter from the king, and a patent of lands from the Virginia Com- pany. The charter was refused, and so far as their application to the king for freedom of worship in an English colony was concerned, Bradford says, "Thus far they prevailed in sounding His Majesty's mind that he would connive at them and not molest them provided they carried themselves peaceably, but to allow or tolerate them by his public authority under his seal they found it would not be granted."

The Virginia Company, sometimes called the South- ern Virginia Company, with which the Pilgrim nego- tiations were carried on, was one of two companies established in 1600. In that year King James by letters patent divided between these two companies a strip of land one hundred miles wide along the At- lantic coast of North America, extending from the thirty-fourth to the forty-filth degree of north lati- tude, a territory which then went under the name of Virginia. This territory extended from Cape Fear to the British provinces. The patent to the first or Southern Virginia Company was granted to certain knights, gentlemen, merchants and adventurers of London, covering lands between the thirty-fourth and forty-fiist degrees, or between Cape Fear and a line running through Port Chester on Long Island Sound and the easterly corner of New Jersey on the Hud- son. The patent to the second or Northern Virginia Company was granted to persons of the same descrip- tion in Bristol, Exeter, and Plymouth, covering lands betwceu the thirty-eighth and forty -fifth degrees, or between the southeastern corner of Maryland and the provinces. That portion of the whole strip lying between the thirty-eighth and forty-first degrees, which was included in both patents, was granted to

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

that compaDj which should first occupy it, and it was provided that neither company should occupy any land within a hundred miles of a settlement pre- viously made by the other. It was the Southern Virginia Company with whom the negotiations of the Pilgrims were carried on. In November, 1617, Car- ver and Cushman returned to Holland, bearing a letter from Sir Edwin Sandys to Robinson and Brewster, dated London, November 12th :

*' After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your congre- gation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in com- munication with divers select gentlemen of His Mnjesty's council for Virginia; and by the uniting of seven articles sub- scribed with your names have given them good degree of satis- factioDj which hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be for 3'our own and the public good; divers particulars whereof wo leave to their faithful report, having cai-ried themselves here with that good discretion as is both to their own and their credit from whom they came. And whereas being to treat for a multitude of people, they have requested further time to confer with them that are to be interested in this action about the several par- ticulars which in the persecution thereof will fall out consider- able, it hath been very willingly assented unto; and so they do now return to 3'ou. If, therefore, it may please God so to direct your desires as that on your parts there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall likewise appear that on our parts all forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the best sort, which with reason mny be ex- pected. And so I betake you with the design (which I hope verily is the work of God) to the gracious protection and bless- ing of the highest.

"Your very loving friend,

"Edwin SAsnvs."

The writer of this letter was a son of Archbishop Sandys and a brother of Sir Samuel Sandys, the lessee of Scrooby manor, under whom William Brewster occupied it as tenant. The seven articles to which Sandys alludes, found by Mr. Bancroft in the Vir- ginia volumes in the State Paper OfEoe in West- minster, were sent to England by the Leyden Church, to be considered in connection with their application for a charter and patent, and were as follows :

"1. To the confession of faith published in the name of the Church of England and to every article thereof we do with the reformed churches where we live and also elsewhere assent wholly.

" 2. As we do acknowledge the doctrine of faith there taught so do we the fruits and effects of the s.anie doctrine to the beget- ting of said faith in thousands in the land (conformists and re- formists) as they are called, with whom also as with our breth- ren we do desire to keep spiritual communion in peace and will practice in our parts .all lawful! things.

"3. The King's Mjijesty we acknowledge for Supreme Gov- ernor in his Dominion in all causes and over all persons, and that none may decline, or appeal from, his authority or judg- ment in any cause whatsoever, but that in all things obedience is duo unto him either active if the thing commanded be not against God's word, or passive if it be, except pardon can be obtained.

"4. We judge it lawfull for His Majesty to appoint bishops,

overseers or officers in authority under hi inces, dioceses, congregations or parishc:

the

eral

see the

churches and govern them civilly according to the laws of the land unto whom they are in all things to give an account and by them to be ordered according to Godliness.

"5. The authority of the present bishops in the land we do acknowledge so far forth as the same is indeed derived from His Majesty unto them and as they proceed in his name, whom we will also therein honor in all things and him in them.

" 6. AVe believe that no Sinod, chassis, convocation or assembly of ecclesiastical officers hath any power or authority at all but as the same by the magistrate given unto them.

" 7. Lastly we desire to give unto all Superiors due honor to preserve the unity of the spirit with all that fear God to have peace with .all men what in us lieth and wherein we err to be instructed by any.

*' Subscribed by

Precisely in what attitude the declaration of these articles placed Robinson and the Pilgrims it is difiS- cult to state. It is clear that it cannot be made to coincide with the declaration of the rigid Separatists represented by Robert Brown and John Smith, " that the Church of England was no true Church and that it was sinful and wrong to attend its worshipping as- semblies or hear the preaching of the word of God therein." Robinson again declared, '• For myself I believe with my heart before God and profess with my tongue and have before the world that I have on« and the same faith, hope, spirit, baptism and Lord which I had in the Church of England and none other ; that I esteem so many in the church of what state or order soever as are truly partakers of that faith (as I account many thousands to be) for my Christian brethren and myself a fellow member with them of that one mystical body of Christ scattered far and wide throughout the world, that I have always in spirit and affection all Christian fellowship and com- munion with them and am most ready in all outward actions and exercises of religion lawful and lawfully to be done to express the same ; and witliall that I am persuaded the hearing of the word of God there preached in the manner and upon the grounds for- merly mentioned both lawful and upon occasions ne- cessary for me and all true Christians, withdrawing from the hierarchical order of church government and ministry and the appurtenances thereof and uniting in the order and ordinances instituted by Christ the only King and Lord of his church and by all his disciples to be observed." And Winslow says, " If any joining to us formerly either when we lived at Leyden, in Holland, or since we came to New Eng- land have with the manifestation of their faith and holiness held forth therewith separation from the Church of England, I have divers times both in the

14

HISTORY OF I'LY.MOUTH.

oue place and the other heard cither Mr. Robinson, our Pastor, or Jlr. Brewster, our elder, stop them forth- with, showing them that we re(iuired no such things at their hands, leaving the Church of England to themselves and to the Lord before whom they should stand or fall." It was the moderate temper and spirit manifested in these various declarations which excited the bitter spirit of the rigid Separatist, Smith, in Amsterdam, and caused him to say of the Pilgrim t'hureh, " Be it known, therefore, to all the Separation that we account them in respect to their constitution to be as very a harlot as either her mother the Church of England or her grandmother Rome." And yet the Piliirims were Separatists, differing only in the sweet- ness of their loving spirits from their more bitter companions in the movement of reform, and finally so chastened by exile, so weaned by time from the church, and so thoroughly freed from its exactions and restraints as to have lost their hostility to an establishment at whose hands they once suffered per- secution.

Under date of Dec. 15, 1617, Robinson and Brew- ster sent the following answer to the letter of Sandys:

" Right 'Worshipf

"Our humble du

and our church's n

your singular love

nembered in ourown, our niessenge ith all thankful acknowledgment

spressing

ng itself i

oth<

pecially in j-our great care and earnest endeavor of our good in this weighty business about Virginia, which the less able we are to requite we shall think ourselves the more bound to com- mend in our prayers unto God for recompense ; wliom as for the present you rightly behold in our endeavors, so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assisting us) to return all answerable fruit and respect unto the labor of your love be- stowed upon us.

"Wo have with the best speed and consideration withal that we could set down our requests in writing subscribed as you willed with the hands of the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent the same unto the Council by our agent, a deaeon of our Church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin himself, to the care and discretion of which two wo do refer the prosecuting of the busi- ness. Now we persuade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to provoke your godly and loving mind to any further or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so far to in- terest us in yourself that under tiod, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and the hel|) and cuun- tenance of your authority.

"Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not forbear to mention these instances of inducement :

"1st. Wo verily believe and trust the Lord is with us unto whom and who.so service we have given ourselves in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors ac- cording to the simplicity of our hearts therein.

"2d. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in great part we have by patience ovcr-

•' :!d. The people arc, for the body of them, frugal ; we think we may safely say as any company of people

the

i.rld.

" -I 111. We are knit together as a body in a more strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation where- of wo make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves strictly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by every one, and so mutually.

" 5th and lastly. It is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage or small discontentments cause to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertainment in England and Holland.

" We shall much prejudice both our arts and moans by re- moval. If we should be driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither, indeed, look even to attain the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.

" These motives we have been bold to lender unto you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other our worship- ful friends of the Council with you, of all whose Godly dispo- sition and loving towards our despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail by all good means to continue and in-

" We shall not be further troublesome, but do with the re- newed remembrjncc of our humble duties to your worship (so far as in modesty we may be bold), to any other of our wcll- willers of the Council with you we take our leaves, committing your persons and counsels to the guidance and protection of the Almighty.

" Your much boundcn in all dutv,

This letter was undoubtedly carried to England by John Carver, who thus embarked on a second mission the month after his return, and it is probable that Cushman was again his companion. It was reported by them that certain members of the Council desired further explanations, and on the 27th of the follow- ing January, Robinson and Brewster addressed a letter to Sir John Wolstenholme, a member of the Virginia Company, containing the two following statements :

" 1st. Touching the ecclesiastical ministry — namelj', of pa.'- tors fur teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the church's contribution, and the Lord's Supper, we do wludly and in all points agree with the French Reformed Churches, according to their public confession of faith.

" The oath of supremacy we shall willingly take if it be re- quired of us, and that convenient satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of allegiance.

" 2d. Touching the ecclesiastical ministry as above, we agree with the French Reformed Chucches according to their public confession of Faith, though somesmall differences be to be found in our practices not at all in the substance of the things, but

" As, first, their ministers do pray with their heads covered, ours uncovered.

" We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to teach, which ability they do nut require.

" Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or three years, ours are perpetual,

'* Our elders do administer their office in admonitions, and 1 excommunications for public scandals publicly and before the

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

15

their;

ately, and

their

i whereof

•' Wo do administer baptism only to such the ono parent at the least is of some church which sonic of their churches do not ubscrvc, though in it our practice accords with their public confession and the judgment of the most learned amongst them. Other differences worthy mentioning we know none in these points.

" Then about the oath as in the former.

" johs robi.-jsos, " William Brewsteu." After the receipt of this letter in England, Carver and Cusbman found the chief obstacle in the way of their negotiations to lie in the disturbed state of the affairs of the Virginia Company. Cusbman, who was sent to England a third time with Brewster, wrote on the 8th of May, 1619, "that the main hindrance in our Virginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they term it, amongst the counsel and company of Virginia, which are such as that ever since we came up no business could by them be dis- patched."

On the last embassy, Cusbman and Brewster were commissioned, in the language of Bradford, " to end with the Virginia Company as well as they could, and to procure a patent with as good and ample con ditions as they might by any good means obtain, as also to treat and conclude with such merchants and other friends as had manifested their forwardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage.. For which end they bad instructions given them upon what con- ditions they should proceed with them, or else to con- clude nothing without further advice." The affairs of the Virginia Company appear to have been soon settled, and on the 9th of June, 1619, a patent was issued. Bradford says, " By the advice of friends this patent was not taken in the name of any of their own, but in the name of John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to the countess of Lincoln) who intended to go with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patent which had cost them so much labor and charge as by the sequel will appear. The patent being sent over for them to view and consider, as also the pas- sages about the propositions between them and such merchants and friends as should either go on adven- ture with them, and especially with those on whom they did chiefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with all speed. A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of this world ; then when men have toiled themselves for them they vanish into smoke." As this patent was never used, it is probable that it was returned to the Virginia Company. Its terms and conditions and

the extent of its grants are unknown. On its accept- ance by the Pilgrims at Leyden immediate further steps were taken towards their departure. The ques- tion was taken who should go and who should re- main. The minor part only offered to go, and they desired Brewster, their ruling elder, " to go with them officially and act as their spiritual guide, he having himself resolved with them to enter upon the great work." It was agreed that the " minor part should be an absolute church as well as the part which re- mained, and that if any of those remaining should ' come to them, or if any of themselves should return, they should still be reputed as members still with either."

On the 2d of February, 1619, another patent was issued by the Virginia Company in the name of John Pierce and his associates, which probably included a grant of lands in the neighborhood of New Jersey. The terms and conditions of this patent are also un- known, but as the Pilgrims finally settled outside of its limits and within the jurisdiction of the Northern Virginia Company, it was probably surrendered. The records of the Southern Virginia Company state, under date of July 16, 1C21, that "it was moved, seeing that Mr. John Pierce had taken a patent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and therefore seated his com- pany within the limits of the northern plantations as by some was supposed, whereby he seemed to relin- quish the benefit of the patent he took of this com- pany, that therefore the said patent might be called in unless it might appear he would plant within the limits of the Southern colony." About the time of the issue of this patent negotiations were pending between Amsterdam merchants and Robinson, with a view to the removal of the Pilgrims to New Amster- dam, now New York. This fact is important as tend- ing to disprove the charge that the captain of the "Mayflower" was bribed by the Dutch to keep his ship and its company away from their projected set- tlement. While, however, these negotiations were pending, Bradford says that " as Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, came to Leyden, having much conference with Mr. Robinson and others of the chief of them, and persuaded them to go on and not to meddle with the Dutch or too much depend on the Virginia Company ; for if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such merchants as were his friends would set them forth ; and they should make ready, and neither fear want of shipping nor money ; for what they wanted should be provided, and not so much for himself as for the satisfying of such friends as he should procure to adventure in this business, they were to draw such articles of agreement and

16

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

make such propositions as luiglit the bctler induce his friends to venture." Robinson says, in a letter to Carver, dated the lOtli of June following, "You know right well we depended on Jlr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this common business; and when we had in hand another course with the Dutchmen, broke it off at his motion, and upon the conditions by him shortly after pro- pounded." These extracts are important as showing that the negotiations with the Amsterdam merchants were terminated by the Pilgrims and not by the Dutch.

In accordance with the proposition of^Ir. Weston, articles of agreement were drawn up and approved by him and the Pilgrims. Carver and Cushman were at once sent again to England to complete the arrange- ments for tlie voyage, being charged " not to exceed their commission, and to proceed according to their former articles." The articles finally concluded with the adventurers were as follows :

" 1. The adventurers and planters do agree that every person that goeth, being aged sixteen years and upward, he rated at ten pounds, and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

" 2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out with ten pounds either in mSney or other provisions, be ac- counted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the division shall receive a double share.

"3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall con- tinue their joint-stock and partnership together the space of seven years {except some unexpected impediments do cause tho whole company to agree otherwise), during which time all prof- its and benefits that arc got by trade, traffic, tracking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock until the division.

" 4. That at their coming there they choose out such a num- ber of fit persons as may furnish them shi]is and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such commodities as shall he most useful for the colony.

•' a. That at the end of the seven years the capit.al and profits, viz., the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, he equally divided among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man shall bo free from cither of them of any debt or detriment con- cerning the adventure.

" 6. Whosoever cometh to the colony hereafter, or putteth any into tho stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time of his so doing.

" 7. He that shall carry his wife and children, or servants, shall be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and up- ward, asingle share in the division ; or, if he provide these neces- saries, a double share; or, if they be between ten years old and sixteen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person both in transportation and division.

"8. That such children as ten years, iiave no other shai uDinanurcd land.

" 9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, their executors to have their ])art or share at tho division pro- |iortionally to the time of their life in the colony.

"10. That all such persons as are of this colony are to have

I of th<

their meat, drink, apparel, an.l all prov stock and goods of the said colony."

Tile original articles drawn up in L< vdoii and there approved, provided '• tiiat the houses and lands im- j)roved, especially gardvns and home-plots, should remain undivided wholly to the planters at the seven years' end, and that they should have had two days in a week for their own private employment for tlie more comfort of themselves and tlieir families."

The changes in the articles were agreed to by Cushman in England to meet the demand of the merchants, and though extremely distasteful to the Pilgrims at Leyden, came to their knowledge too late to be rejected, or to cause any change in their plans. It is evident from the correspondence between them and Cushman which ensued, that some irritation of feeling was excited by his action, and it is not un- likely that the disagreement between them was the cause of his determination at the last moment, after the disaster which happened to the '■ Speedwell," to abandon the voyage. By the 1st of June, 1620, everything was in readiness for the final departure. Those who had determined on the voyage had sold their estates, putting their money into the common stock, and on the 21st of July they " left the goodly and pleasant city which had been their resting-place near twelve years ; but they knew they were pilgrims, and looked nut much on those things, but lift up their

j eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and (|uieted

j their spirits." On or about the 22d of July they set sail from Delfthaven in the " Speedwell," of sixty tons, which their agents had sent over from England

j to convey them to Southampton, there to meet her consort, the " JIayflower." On the 5th of August both the " Mayflower" and the " Speedwell," with one hundred and twenty passengers, some of whom were for the first time joining the company, sailed from Southampton. On the 13th they put into Dart-

j mouth, with the " Speedwell" leaking; on the 21st, after necessary repairs, sailed again. The " Speed- well" being still found unseaworthy, both ships came to an anchor at Plymouth, where she was abandoned,

I and eighteen passengers, including Robert Cushman, gave up the voyage. On the 6th of September the " Mayflower" took her final departure from Plymouth, with one hundred and two passengers. Of the inci- dents of the voyage little is known. So many pas- sengers crowded in a vessel of one hundred and eighty tons of course suffered serious discomfort, but only a single death, that of William Butten, occurred during the passage. It is recorded that one of the beams became sprung, which was restored to its place by an iron screw brought by one of the passengers from

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

ir

Holland ; that during a severe storm John Howland was washed from the deck, and by seizing the topsail halliards was rescued from drowning ; and that a son of Stephen Hopkins was born, called Oceanus, because born at sea. On the 1 1 th of November, after a pas- sage of sixty-six days, the " Mayflower" dropped an- chor in what is now Provincetown harbor. On the 9th the land of Cape Cod had been sighted, and, as Bradford says, " after some deliberation had amongst themselves and witli the master of the ship, they tacked about, and resolved to stand for the southward, the wind and weather being fiiir, to find some place about Hudson's River for their habitation. But after they had sailed the course about half the day they fell amongst dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and they were so far entangled therewith as they conceived themselves in great danger ; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape, and thought themselves happy to get out of tl>e dangers before night overtook them, as by God's providence they did."

The above statement made by Bradford in his his- tory renders it extremely doubtful whether it had been the clear determination of the Pilgrims to seek and settle on the lands, the patent for which, derived from the Southern Virginia Company, they had brought with them. The accepted theory of histori- ans has been that they had no other plan in their minds, and that they were only prevented from car- rying it out by adverse winds and the dangerous navigation of what is now called Vineyard Sound. But the careful reader will discover several weak points in this theory. It is well known that in 1619, Thomas Dermer, sent out by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, visited Plymouth, which had already been visited by John Smith in 1614, and received its name through him, from Prince Charles, and in a letter to his patron dated June 30, 1620, he said,. in speaking of that place, '•! would that the first plantation might here be seated if there come to the number of fifty persons or upwards." It is probable that this letter reached Plymouth, in England, where Gorges was stationed as Governor of the castle, before the final departure of the " Mayflower" from that port on the Gth of September, and may have had some influence in determining the place of settlement. Gorges was a prominent member of the Northern Virginia Com- pany, directly interested in the settlement of its ter- ritory, of which Plymouth, in New England, was a part, and would be very likely to have urged the Pilgrims to abandon the patent in their possession, with the promise of the issue of another from his own company. This suggestion is reinforced by the vote 2

of the Southern Virginia Company, already referred to, calling on John Pierce, in whose name their pat- ent had been issued, to surrender it, because he had " received another from Gorges, as by many was sup- posed he would." Besides the language of Bradford, already quoted, the language of the compact signed in Cape Cod harbor, " We, whose names are underwritten having undertaken for the glory of God and advance- ment of the Christian faith, and the honor of our king and country a voyage to plant the first colony in the Northern parts of Virginia," still further supports the probability that after all there was no positive de- viation from their plan, and that a settlement in New England was among the possible results of their en- terprise.

The theory that the captain of the " Mayflower" was bribed by the Dutch to keep the " Jlayflower" away from their settlement was first suggested by Nathaniel Morton in the " New England's Memorial," published in 1669, in which he says, " Of the plot between the Dutch and Capt. Jones I have had late and certain intelligence." This theory has never been accepted by historians, though often repeated, and mainly on the ground that it seemed impossible that Morton, forty-nine years after the event, could have received reliable information. It is due, however, to Morton, to state that the appointment of Thomas Willet, a Plymouth man, as mayor of New York, after its capture from the Dutch by the United Col- onies in 1664, may have furnished an opportunity for discovering in the archives of that city some evi- dence which could easily have come to the ears of Morton while his book was in preparation. This cir- cumstance is to be considered, together with all the facts in the case, in deciding whether the Pilgrims really deviated, for any cause, from the intended voyage, or whether their destination, when they finally left England, was not left in doubt, to be deter- mined by circumstances as they might afterwards arise.

While the company were at Southampton two let- ters were received from Robinson full of tender advice and counsel, in one of which he said, " Whereas you are become a body politic, using among yourselves civil government, and are not furnished with any per- sons of special eminence above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only in choosing such per- sons as do entirely love and will promote the common good, but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations ; not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good, not being like the

18

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

foolish multitude who more honor the gay coat than either the virtuous mind of the man or glorious ordi- nance of the liord." The letters were addressed to Carver as one apparentl}' in authority; and as Brad- ford states that " a Governor and two or throe assist- ants for each ship were chosen to order the people by the way, and see to the disposing of their posses- sions," it is probable that Carver was chosen Governor of the party on board the " Mayflower," and that after the detachment of the " Speedwell" he was rec- ognized us the Governor of the whole company.

With one hundred and two passengers, then, the " Mayflower" arrived in Cape Cod harbor, and the following is a list of the company, exclusive of those attached to the vessel as officers and seamen :

rJol,n( Katha

I Carv(

John

fc. DicJ the first summer. 1 M inter. Returned to Englaml. Huwiand. Died in Plymouth, 167.^. 1 Roger Wilder. Died the first winter. I William Latham. Died in the Bahama Islands.

Maid servant. Died in a year or two. [.Jasper More. Died in December, 1620.

I William Brewster. Died in Plymouth, 1644. Mary Brewster, his wife. Died in Plymouth before 111 Love Brewster. Died in Duxbury, 1650. I Wrestling Brewster. Died a young man. I Richard More. Called Mann, died in Soituate, 1656. I His brother. Died the first winter, f Edward Winslow. Died at sea, 1654.

Elizabeth Winslow, his wife. Died in Mard.. IC.LMI I. J George Soule. Died in Duxbury, 16811. I Elias Story. Died the first winter. [ Ellen More. Died the first winter. r William Bradford. Died in Plymouth, 1657.

ife. Drowned

■ Isaac Allerton. Died in New Haven, 1659.

Mary Allerton, his wife. Died in February, 162(1/

Bartholomew Allerton. Returned to England.

Remember Allerton. Married Moses Maverick, an i in Salem after 1652.

Mary Allerton. Married Thomas Cushman, and i I Plymouth, 1699. [ John Hooke. Died the first winter.

1 Samuel Fuller. Died in Plymouth, 16:i.'i.

2 ( John Crackston. Died the first winter.

1 John Crackston, Jr. Died in Plymouth, 162,S.

|- Miles Standish. Died in Duxbury, 1656. 2 J Rose Standisji, his wife. Died in Plymouth, Ja

i 1620/1.

r Christopher Martin. Died in Plymouth, Ja

j 1620/1. 4 .1 Ilia wife. Died the first winter.

Solomon Power. Died in Plymouth, Dci'eml.er, 1 1

[John Langcmore. Died the first winter.

C William MuUins. Died in Plymouth, 1020/ 1 .

I llis wife. Died the first winter.

I Joseph Mullins. Died the first winter.

] Priscilla Mullins. Married Jo

I Duxbury after 1650.

I Robert Carter. Died the first wi

AldcT.

f William White. Died in Plymouth, February, 1620 I.

j Su.sanna White, his wife. Married Edn-ard Winslow, an^

I died in Marshfield, 1680.

■] Resolved White. Died in Salem after 1680.

I William Holbeck. Died tlie first winter.

[ Edward Thompson. Died in December, 1620.

Stephen Hopkins. Died in Plymouth, 1644.

Elizabeth Hopkins, his wife. Died in Plymouth afte 1640.

Giles Hopkins. Died in Yarmouth, 1690.

Constance Hopkins. Married Niehola.s Snow, ami .lied i; ;' Eastham, 1677.

I Damaris Hopkins. Married Jacob Cooke, and died ii ! Plymouth between 1666 and 1669.

Oceanus Hopkins. Died in Plymouth, 1621. I Edward Doty. Died in Yarmouth, 1055. [ Edward Leister. Removed to Virginia and there died.

Richard Warren. Died in Plymouth, 1628. f John Billington. Executed 16:10.

I Eleanor Billington, his wife. .Married (iregory Arm ■j strong, 1633.

I John Billington. Died before 1630. [Francis Billingion. Died in Yarmouth after 1650. I" Edward Tilly. Died the first winter. I Ann Tilly, his wife. Died the first winter.

Henry Sampson. Died in Duxbury, 16S4. '• Humilitie Cooper. Returned to England, f John Tilly. Died the first winter. ' His wife. Died the first winter.

1 Elizabeth Tilly. Married John Ilowlan.l, and died ii [ Swansea, 1687.

I Francis Cooke. Died in Plymouth, IfiS,'). 1 John Cooke. Died in Dartmouth after 1694. f Thomas Rogers. Died in 1621. ( Joseph Rogers. Died in Eastham, 1678.

Thomas Tinker. Died the first

I i His wife. Died the first winter.

I His son. Died the first winter. , j John Ridgdale. Died the first winter ■ I Alice Ridgdale, his wife. Died the fi.

f James Chilton. Died in December, 16 , i His wife. Died the first winter.

I Mary Chilton. Married John AVinslow, and died

i ton, 1679.

|- Edward Fuller. Died the first season.

His wife. Died the first season. I Samuel Fuller. Died in Barnstable, 1683. |- John Turner. Died the first winter.

His son. Died the first winter. I Another son. Died the first winter. C Francis Eat(.n. Died in Plymouth, 1633.

Sarah Eaton, his wife. Died soon after 1624. Isamuel E.aton. Died in Middleboro', 1684.

Moses Fletcher. Died the first season.

Thomas Williams. Died the first season.

Degory Priest. Died in December, 1620.

John Goodman. Died the first season.

Edmond Margeson. Died the first season.

Richard Britteridge. Died in December, 1620.

Richard Clarke. Died the first season.

Richard Gardiner, Became a seaman, and died i

Gilbert Winslow. Returned to England. Peter Brown. Died in Plymouth, 1633. John Alden. Died in Duxbury, 1687. Thomas English. Died the first winter.

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

19

John Allerton. Died the first William Trevore. Hired for a

land. Ely. Hired for a year, a

On the arrival of the " Mayflower" in Cape Cod harbor, the following compact in the nature of a con- stitution of government was drawn up and signed :

*' In the name of God, amen.

" We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord King James, by the grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith and honor of our king .and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Vir- ginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually, in the pres- ence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine our- selves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ,• and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices from time to time as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have here- unto subscribed our names at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord King James of England, France, and Irel.and, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. Anno Domini, 1620.

" Mr. John Carver 8

William Bradford 2

Mr. Edward Winslow 5

Mr. William Brewster 6

Mr. Isaac Allerton 6

Capt. Miles Standish 2

John Alden 7

Mr.Samuel Fuller 2

Mr. Christopher Martin 4

Mr. William MuUins 5

Mr. William White 5

Mr. Richard Warren 1

John Howland

Mr. Stephen Hopkins S

Edward Tilly 4

John Tilly.

Francis Cooke 2

Thomas Rogers 2

Thomas Tinker 3

John Ridgdale 2

Edward Fuller 3

John Turner 3

Francis Eaton 3

James Chilton 3

John Crackston 2

John Billington 4

Moses Fletcher 1

John Goodman 1

Degory Priest 1

Thomas Williams I

Gilbert Winslow 1

Edmond Margeson 1

Peter Brown 1

Richard Britteridge 1

George Soule

Richard Clarke 1

Richard Gardiner 1

John Allerton 1

Thomas English 1

Edward Doty

Edward Leister

105"

In this list the figures represent the number in each family, and from the total number one hundred and five, five are to be deducted, as John Howland is included in the eight of Carver's family, George Soule in the family of Edward Winslow, Edward Doty and Edward Leister in that of Stephen Hop- kins, and as William Button, for whom Samuel Fuller signed, died on the passage. To the remaining num- ber of one hundred are to be added the names of William Trevore and Ely, who were hired for a year, and who returned to England, thus reconciling the number of signers with the list of passengers already given.

The circumstances under which this compact was

framed and signed render it a remarkable instrument. The Pilgrims had landed on territory within the juris- diction of Great Britain without either a charter from the king or patent from the Virginia Company ; with- out even the sanction of the natural owners of the soil until the treaty with Massasoit in the following March ; without more right or authority to form a body politic and enact laws for its government than if they were living in London or Scrooby. Outside of the jurisdiction of the company whose patent they held, within the jurisdiction of a company from which they had acquired no express rights, the assumption of authority implied by the terms of the compact renders it more than probable that before leaving England they had been assured by the officers of the Northern Virginia Company, or at least by Ferdinando Gorges, that a patent would be issued and sent to them if they should decide to settle within their limits. It has been said that this compact was after all nothing more than a simple agreement, such as any body of adventurers or colonists, or miners in our own day, outside of the restraints of civilization, might enter into for temporary use and simply peace- ful purposes ; and that erecting thereon a permanent structure of government they builded better than they knew. If the test of design and purpose is like that applied to the architect, who sees in his mind's eye the lofty dome in its exact height and propor- tions when he lays the corner-stone, it is true that the Pilgrims builded better than they knew. But in establishing a principle, in founding institutions, in framing new and progressive forms of government, there can be no fixed and definite walls, no finished dome, no completed structure, which the prophetic eye can grasp, and he who gives birth to the new idea never builds better than he knows. Whatever may have been the design and aim of the compact, it cannot be denied that, like the seed, it comprehended within itself those elements, which, when subjected to favorable conditions, had a germinating force, and j were capable of developing into first the blade, then I the ear, and then the full corn in the ear, of a free 1 and popular government in the western world. i It is unnecessary to dwell on the incidents which occurred while the " Mayflower" remained in Cape 1 Cod harbor. On the 4th of December the first death after the arrival, that of Edward Thompson, occurred ; on the 6th that of Jasper More; and on the 7th, : Dorothy, the wife of William Bradford, was drowned. Bradford says, " Our people went on shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great need." Several expeditions were undertaken, of which the first, composed of Standish, Bradford, Hopkins,

20

HISTORr OF PLYMOUTH.

and Edward Tilly, set out on the 15th of November by land, and returned after three days' absence. After a second fruitless expedition in search of a ^ better place of settlement, it was after repeated con- sultations, concluded, in the language of Bradford, " to make some discovery within the bay, but in no ' case so far as Angoum (Ipswich). Besides, llobert Coppin, our pilot, made relation of a great navigable river and good harbor on the other headland of the bay, almost right over against Cape Cod, being in a right line not much above eight leagues distant, in which he had been once, and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking stole a harping-iron from them they called it Thievish Har- bor, and beyond that place they were enjoined not to go, whereupon a company was chosen to go out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were employed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistress White was brought to bed of a son, which was called Pere- grine." As the expedition started on the Gth of December and returned on the 12th, the birth of Peregrine White must be fixed between those dates. The exploring party consisted of Standisb, Carver, i Bradford, Winslow, John Tilly, Edward Tilly, How- land, Warren, Hopkins, Doty, John Allerton, Eng- lish, John Clark, the mate, Masten Coppin, the pilot, the master gunner, and three sailors, — eighteen in all. Leaving the ship, they skirted the shore of the cape, and landed to spend the first night at what is now Eastham. The next morning, the 7th, the company | divided, some going on in the shallop, and the rest keeping along by the shore on the land. The second night was passed in the vicinity of what is now Brewster, and on the 8th of December, towards night, in a storm of snow and rain, the company reached j the island in Plymouth harbor, named after John | Clark, the mate of the " Mayflower," Clark's Island. I Here Saturday, the 9th, was passed, and the record ' for the 10th is, as made by Bradford, " On the Sab- bath day we rested." 'On Monday, the 11th, they sounded the harbor, found it suitable for shipping, [ and marching " into the land found divers cornfields [ and little running brooks, a place very good for situa- [ tion. So we returned to our ship again with good news to the rest of our people, which did much com- fort their hearts." The 11th of December then, or according to the new style the 21st, was the day of | the landing of the shallop party at Plymouth, and it is this event and not the landing of any portion of the ship's company afterwards, which is celebrated as the landing of the Pilgrims. On the 12th the ex- pluring party returned to the ship, on the 15th the "Mayflower" weighed anchor, and on the IGth she

was moored in the harbor of Plymouth, one hundred days after her departure from old Plymouth, in England.

Plymouth was a spot not unknown to Europeans. Large numbers of fishermen from England, Portugal, France, and Spain had for many years followed their occupations along the New England coast, and of those who had made voyages of exploration more than one had visited Plymouth. It is believed by many that Martin Pring visited it in 1603; but though Plymouth meets the requirements of his topographical description, it fails to agree with his statements of latitude.^ It must still remain an open fjuestion whether Plymouth harbor or some place in the Vineyard Sound is the spot he visited, as he steered south from the coast of Maine. So far as is actually known, leaving in doubt the claims for the Northmen^ and Pring, the discovery of Plymouth must be accorded to a French explorer in 1605. On the 17th of April, 1604, Sieur de Monts set sail with four "essels from Havre de Grace, with Sieur de Champlain as his pilot. In an account of the voyage, published by Champlain in Paris in 1613. he thus describes his visit to Plymouth :

"The next day (.July 2S, 1B05) we doubled Cape .St. Louis (Branches Island), so named by Sieur de Jlonts, a land rather loiv, and in latitude 42° 45'. The same day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we 7)assed along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three canoes, which had j ust been fishing for cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they catch with hoolis made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang shape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. The bone is fastened on by hemp ; and they told me that they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate It, and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river; we weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I made an examination of the river, but saw only an arm of water (the harbor), c.vtending a short distance inland, where the land is only in part cleared up. llunning into this is merely a brook (Tonn Brook), not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance to this bay is a point (Burnet) which is almost an island, covered with wood, principally pines, and adjoins sand-banks, which are very extensive. On the other side the land (Manomet) is high. There are two islets in the harbor (Clark's Island and Saquish), which are not seen until one has entered, and around which it is almost entirely dry at low water. This place is very conspicuous, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance of the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis, distant two leagues from the above cape (Branches Islaud), and ten from the Island Cape i Cape Ann)."

There is a map of Plya.outh harbor included in

2 ride Appen.lix 11. \,g. 1.-54. ^ Il'id. III. pg. 136.

HlSTOllY OF PLYMOUTH.

21

the book, a copy of which may be found in the " Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth," which shows that Saquish was at that time an island, and that what is called Brown's Island was then, as now, at the full of the tide submerged by the sea.

The next European to visit Plymouth, so far as is known, was John Smith, who in two ships sailed under the auspices of private adventurers, in 1614, ■' to take whales, and also to make trials of a mine of gold and copper." Anchoring his vessels near the mouth of the Penobscot, he explored the coast in a shallop as far as Cape Cod, giving the name of New England to the territory, and " drawing a map from point to point, isle to isle, and harbor to harbor, with the soundings, sands, rocks, and landmarks." Upon this map, after his return to England, Prince Charles attached names to various places, of which only Charles River, Cape Ann, and Plymouth survive. In 1619, Thomas Dermer, who had been an officer under Smith, again visited Plymouth, under the aus- pices of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as has already been stated. On this visit he wrote the letter which has been referred to, recommending Plymouth as a place of settlement. Dermer brought with him a native called Tisquantum, or Squanto, whom Capt. Hunt, another officer of Smith, had carried away to be sold into slavery. Squanto was a member of the Patuxet tribe, which was in full occupation of Plymouth lands at the time of the visit of Smith, but which in 1616 was swept from the earth by an extraordinary plague, as the Pilgrims were afterwards told by Samoset. Squanto, finding only the bleached bones of his tribe to welcome his return, attached himself to the Pilgrims, and rendered them important service in the trying seasons of the colony. Again we see the hand of Providence guiding the steps of the colony, and by a mysterious dispensation leading them to the spot which it had prepared for their coming.

In the language of Carlyle, " Hail to thee, thou poor little ship ' Mayflower' ! — poor, common-looking ship, hired by common charter-party for coined dol- lars, caulked with mere oakum and tar, provisioned with vulgar biscuit and bacon ; yet what ship ' Argo' or miraculous epic ship built by the sea-gods was other than a foolish bombarge in comparison. Golden fleeces or the like they sailed for with or without effect. Thou little ' Mayflower' hadst in thee a veri- table Promethean spark — the life-spark of the largest nation of our earth, as we may already name the transatlantic Saxon nation. They went seeking leave to hear a sermon in their own method, these ' May- flower' Puritans — a most indispensable search ; and yet like Saul the son of Kish, seeking a small thing.

they found this unexpected great thing. Honor to the brave and true ! They verily, we say, carry fire from heaven, and have a power they dream not of Let all men honor Puritanism, since God has so honored it.''^

CHAPTEP. XL

SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOrTH— TREATY WITH MAS- SASOIT— MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.

The wants of the Pilgrims were abundantly met in Plymouth as a place of settlement. Depth of water for vessels of considerable draft was not needed. The visits of such vessels would not be frequent, and without wharves the existing channels were sufficient to bring even such near enough to the shore. A good boat harbor, plenty of fish (both sea and shell), cleared land, and an abundance of good drinking- water, all of. which Plymouth afibrded, were prime necessities which they could not fail to recognize, while the absence of the natives from the immediate neighborhood promised them a security which in no other spot on the coast they would have been able to find. The Indian tribes within the limited district known afterwards as the Old Colony were the Pocas- setts of Swansea, Eehoboth, Somerset, and Tiverton, the Wampanoags of Bristol, the Saconets of Little Compton, the Nemaskets of Middleboro', the Nausites of Eastham, the Mattakees of Barnstable, the Mona- moys of Chatham, the Saukatucketts of Marshpee, and the Nobsquassetts of Yarmouth ; but in Plymouth the Indians had only occupied the land to save the labor of the colonist in clearing it, and had vanished from the earth, leaving a safe resting-place for the foot of civilization in the western wilderness.

The first few days after the arrival of the " May. flower" at Plymouth were occupied in explora- tions of various places around the margin of the harbor, with a view to a final landing-place. The ship probably lay at anchor in what is now called Broad Channel, as Bradford said, " a mile and almost a half from the shore." Ou the 18th they landed, and Bradford says " we found not any navigable rivers, but four or five small running brooks of very sweet, fresh water that all run into the sea. The land for the crust of the earth is a spit's depth excellent black mould, and fat in some places ; two or three great oaks (but not very thick), pines, walnut, beech, ash, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and vines everywhere, cherry-trees, plum trees, and many others

1 Vide Aljp.iiJix IV. pg. 13V.

IIISTOKV OF PLYMOUTH.

which we know not. Many kinds of herbs we found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumerable, sor- rel, yarras, carvel, brookliuie, liverwort, watercresses, , great store of leeks and onions, and an excellent i strong kind of flax and hemp. Here is sand, gravel, and excellent clay, no better in the world, excellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great store of stone, though somewhat soft, and the best water that ever we drank, and the brooks now begin to be full of fish." This exploration was doubtless along the shore of what is now the town of Plymouth, as no other place within the bay answers the description. On the 19th they found Jones' River, named after their captain, which they ascended three " English miles," and found a very " pleasant river at full sea." " A bark of thirty tons may go up," Bradford says, " but at low water scarce one shallop could pass." " Some of us having a good mind for safety to jilant in the greater isle we crossed the bay, which is there five or six miles over, and found the i.sle about a mile and a half or two miles about all wooded and no fresh water, but two or three pits that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn."

On the 20th they determined to confine their con- sideration to two places, and after again viewing them they came to the conclusion, according to the record, " by most voices to set on the main land on the first place on a high ground, where there is a great deal of land cleared and hath been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there is a very sweet brook runs under the hill side and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbor our shallops and boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good fish in their sea.sons ; on the further side of the river also much corn-ground cleared. In one field is a great hill, on which we point to make a platform and plant our ordnance, which will command all round about. From thence we may see into the bay and far into the sea; and we may see thence Cape Cod. Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous and a place for some of our people, about twenty, re- solving in the morning to come all ashore and to build hou.ses."

The 21st and 22d were stormy, and the party on ?1iore remained alone, sufiering much from exposure. The precise condition of the weather is singularly enough nowhere stated in any Pilgrim record, and we only learn from a letter from John White in the Mas-

sachusetts Colony, to a friend in ilngland, written ten years afterwards, that there was at the time of the ar- rival of the Pilgrim company a foot of snow on the ground. As burials of the dead seem to have been made during the winter, we are left to infer that the ground remained covered with snow, and therefore but little frozen. On the 23d many of those on shipboard went on shore again to cut timber for their common store-house, which was the first build- ing erected. The street on which they began to build, now called Leyden Street, ran from the top of what is now Burial Hill to the shore, and it is probable that the store-house stood on the precise spot on the south side of the street now occupied by the brick-ended house occupied by Mr. Frederick L. Holmes. In a deed of this lot, in 1698, from Maj. William Bradford to John Dyer, the lot is described as " running on the street northeasterly as far as the northeasterly corner of the old store-house which for-

1 merly stood on the lot." It was at first intended to build houses on both sides of the street, and Brad- ford states, under date of the 9th of January, that " we went to labor that day in the building of our town in two rows of houses for more safety." He further says that " we measured out the grounds, and first we took notice how many families there were, willing all single men that had no wives to join with some family as they thought fit, that so we might

j build fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater families we allotted larger plots ; to every person half a pole in breadth and three in length ; and so lots were cast where every man should lie, which was done and staked out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first for houses and gardens to impale them round considering the weakness of the people, many of them growing ill with colds, for our former

i discoveries in frost and storms and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which

I increased so every day more and more, and after was

I the cause of many of their deaths." But so much sickness occurred, followed by so many deaths, that it was found that nineteen houses were more than would be needed, and more than with scanty help could be built. Edward Winslow in a letter to George Mor- ton, dated Dec. 11, 1621, and sent by the " Fortune," which sailed on the 13th of that month, said, '• We have built .seven dwelling-houses and four for the use of the plantation." All these were built on the south side of the street. The following diagram, copied from the first page of the Old Colony records, shows the " meersteads and garden plots of which came first layd out 1620."

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

23

The North Side.

Peter Brown. John Goodman Wm. Brewster.

John	Billington.
Mr.]	saac AUerton.
Fran	eis Cooke.
Edw	rd Winslow.

The upper part of the diagram shows the lower end of the street, and the highway corresponds to the present Market Street. The four store-houses ■were doubtless below the lot of Peter Brown. The records were begun in 1627, and as the diagram was made seven years after the landing, the fact that no lots are marked as controlled by Carver, Bradford, and Standish, three of the leading men, would lead us to doubt its correctness, were it not for its partial indorsement by the letter of Governor Winslow, above quoted. At a later day, in 1627, De Rasieres, who ■was dispatched on an embassy from New Amsterdam to the Plymouth Colony, in a letter to Mr. Samuel Blom- maert, one of the directors of the Dutch West India Company, describes the town of Plymouth, and says, " New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east towards the sea coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot of eight hundred (yards) long leading down the hill, with a (streetj crossing in the middle northwards to the rivulet and southwards to the land. The houses are constructed of hewn planks with gar- dens also enclosed behind, and the sides with hewn planks, so that their houses and court yards are ar- ranged in very good order, with a stockade against a sudden attack, and at the ends of the street there are three wooden gates. 'In the centre on the cross street stands the Governor's house, before which is a square enclosure upon which four patereros (steen stucken) are mounted so as to flank along the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square house with a flat roof made of thick sawn planks stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have sis cannons, which shoot iron balls of four and five pounds and command the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their church, where they preach on Sun- days and the usual holidays. They assemble by beat of drum each with his musket or firelock in front of iUfi captain's door ; they have their cloaks on and place themselves in order three abreast, and are led by a sergeant without beat of drum. Behind comes the Governor in a long robe ; beside him on the right hand comes the preacher with his cloak on, and on the

left hand the captain with his side arms and cloak on and with a small cane in his hand, and so they march in good order and each sets his arms down near him. Thus they are constantly on their guard night and day.

" Their government is after the English firm. The Governor has his council, which is chosen every year by the entire community by election or pro- longation of term. In the inheritance they place all the children in one degree, only the eldest son has an acknowledgment for his seniority of birth. They have made stringent laws and ordinances upon the subject of fornication and adultery, which laws tliey maintain and enforce very strictly indeed even among the tribes which live amongst them. They speak very angrily when they hear from the savages that we (the Dutch at New Amsterdam) should live so barbarously in these respects without punishment. Their farms are not so good as ours, because they are more stony and consequently not so suitable for the plough. They apportion their land according as each has means to contribute to the eighteen thousand guilders which they have promised to those who had sent them out ; whereby they have their freedom without rendering an account to any one; only if the King should choose to send a Governor General they would be obliged to acknowledge him as sov- ereign chief."

The street crossing in the middle, referred to in the above letter, was Market Street, at tiiat time ex- tending from Main Street and reaching Summer Street by a gradual curve. The Governor's house was situ- ated at the upper corner of Jlain Street and Town Square, and the three gates were probably in Main and Market Streets, and at the westerly end of Leyden Street, which then extended to the top of Burial Hill. The words, " northerly to the rivulet and southwards to the laud," refer to the first brook, or Shaw's Brook, at the north, and Market Street, which then led into the Nemasket path, the Indian trail to Middleboro'. The houses in the first settlement were necessarily rude, built of planks without frames, covered with thatch on the roof, and lighted by paper windows covered with oil. Edward Winslow, in a letter ad- dressed probably to George Morton, dated Dec. 11, 1G21, says, "Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows, ■n'ith cotton yarn for your lamps." He fur- ther says, " Because I expect your coming unto us, be careful to have a very good bread room to put your biscuits in. Let your casks for beer and water be iron bound for the first tier if not more. Let not your meat be dry salted ; none can better do it than the sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask

24

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, for by reason of this last company that came (in the "Fortune," 1621) depending wholly upon us we shall have little enough till harvest. Be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or fowling piece. Let your piece be long in the barrel and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands (rests). Bring juice of lemons and take it fasting; it is of good use. For hot waters aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring any- thing for comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil or both is very good. Our Indian corn even the coarsest maketh as pleasant meal as rice ; therefore spare that unless to s-pend by the way."

The absence of glass windows was, however, by no means an indication of want or narrow means. Even in the reign of Henry the Eighth they were coiisid ered a luxury in England, and later, in the days of Elizabeth, they were confined to the houses of the nobility, and by them regarded as movable furniture. The constant reference to beer as a beverage in this and other records is noticeable. Tea and coffee were then unknown in England, and the poor quality of the water in Holland, repeatedly implied by the wonder expressed at the good quality of that in Plymouth, had confined the Pilgrims almost exclusively to beer sold at a penny a quart as their daily beverage. The juice of lemons referred to by AVinslow was probably suggested as a preventive of scurvy, from which the company of the " Mayflower" had more or less suffered.

The lots assigned to other members of the company than tho«e indicated by the rude diagram of Bradford, have been disclosed by the records and casual refer- ences in diaries and deeds of estates. It is shown by the records that Stephen Hopkins occupied the lower corner of Main and Leyden Streets, John Howland the next lot below, and Samuel Puller the lot below Howland. And it must be repeated that it seems im- possible to reconcile the diagram and the statement of Winslow concerning seven dwellings and four company houses, with the facts and probabilities in the case. It might bo said that the assignment of these lots and their occupation by Hopkins, Howland, and Fuller were subsequent to the date of Winslow's letter Dec. 11, 1621, but we know that as early as the 16th of March Hopkins had a dwelling, for when Samoset ap- peared on that day in the settlement Mourl's " Relation" states " we lodged him that night at Stephen Hopkins house and watched him." So far as Carver and Brad-

ford are concerned, whose names are omitted in the diagram, it is po.ssible that for a time the Governor may have occupied the common house with Bradford and perhaps Standish as companions. We know that the first two were there on the 14th of January, 1620/1, for Mourt's " Relation" says, in referring to the fire which burned its thatched roof on that day, " The most loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's, who then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with good speed, had been blown up with powder." A review of the whole case may lead us to the conclusion that after all the diagram and letter of Winslow may be correct, and that Hopkins at the time of the visit of Samoset was occupying one of the seven houses on the south side of the street, and per- haps that of John Goodman, who is recorded as having died the first season, and probably died before the 16th of March, the date of the visit.

During the first few months of the colony little was done besides making the dwellings as comfortable as po.ssible, guarding against surprises by the natives, and nursing the sick. One after another succumbed to the attacks of disease brought on by the exposure to cold, and fatigue of systems already enfeebled by the hardships of a protracted voyage. In the cabin of the " Mayflower," in Cape Cod harbor, after the signing of the compact John Carver, who was already acting as the Governor of the company, was confirmed in that office under the adopted constitution, and from that time until the 17th of February there appears to have been no action taken with reference to the ad- ministration of the affairs of the colony. On that day a meeting was called for the purpose of" establishing military orders, and Miles Standish was chosen captain and given authority of command in affairs." Such action was natural, surrounded as they were by tribes of Indians of whose temper they were ignorant, and had no significance as to the form of government which the colony was preparing to adopt. A consul- tation at this meeting looking to the enactment of needed rules or laws was broken up and postponed by the appearance of two natives on a neighboring hill, " over against our plantation about a quarter of a mile and less (Watson's Hill), and made signs unto us to come to them. We likewise made signs unto them to come to us, whereupon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent two over the brook towards them, to wit, Capt. Standish and Stephen Hopkins, who went towards them. Only one of them had a musket, which they laid down on the ground in their sight in sign of peace, and to parley with them. But the savages would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill, but no

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

25

more came in sight. This caused us to plant our great ordnances in places most conveuiont." In consequence of this occurrence two cannon were brought on shore, and mounted on a platform, on Burial Hill, in a position to command the surrounding country.

On the 16th of March another meeting was called to conclude the military orders, which had been before interrupted, and as Mourt's " Relation" says, " Whilst we were busied hereabout we were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the rendezvous, where we interrupted him, not suffering him to go in as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. He saluted us in English and bade us welcome, for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the cap- tains, commanders, and masters that usually came. He was a man free in speech so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things : he was the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was not of these parts but of Morattiggon (probably Monhiggon), and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He was .stark naked, only a leather about his waist with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. He asked for some beer, but we gave him strong water and biscuit, and butter and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard. He told us the place wherewe now live is called Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none, so as there is none to hinder our possession or to lay claim unto it."

On the next day, the 17th, Samoset departed for the Wampanoag country, and on the 18th returned with five other Indians, bearing a few skins and some tools, which some marauding Indians had previously stolen from the fields near the settlement. The five left the same day, leaving Samoset behind, who re- mained until the following Wednesday, the 21st of March, on which day another meeting was held to conclude the laws and orders, and again interrupted by the appearance in the neighborhood of another small group of natives. On the nest day for the fourth time a meeting was held, and still again broken off by the reappearance of Samoset, attended by Tisquantuni, the stolen Indian returned by Thomas Dermer and

three others, who signified that Massasoit, the chief of the Wampanoags and of all the other tribes within the limits of the Old Colony, " was hard by with Qudequina,

I his brother, and all their men. They could not well express in English what they would, but after an hour the king came to the top of the hill (Watson's Hill) over against us and had in his train sixty men, that we could well behold them and they us. We were not willing to send our Governor to them, and they were unwilling to come to us. So Tisquantum went again unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with them, which we did, which was Edward Winslow, to know his mind and to signify the mind and will of our Governor, which was to have trading and peace with him." After some consultation and an exchange of hostages Massasoit, with twenty men, came from the hill, and were met at the brook by

i Capt. Standish and another with six musketeers, and

' was escorted by them to " a house then building," where a green rug and three or four cushions had been placed for his reception. Governor Carver then ap- peared with drum and trumpet and a few musketeers, and after salutations the Governor kissed his hand and Massasoit kissed the Governor, and the following treaty was entered into:

" 1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of our people.

" 2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours he should send the offender that we might punish him. " 3. That if any of our tools were taken away

j when our people were at work he should cause them

j to be restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his

I we would do the like to them.

j " 4. If any did unjustly war against him we would

aid him : if any did war against us he should aid us.

" 5. He should send to his neighbor confederates

to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us

1 but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of

I peace.

' " 6. That when their men came to us they should leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should do our pieces when we came to them. Lastly, that doing this King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally," all which, Morton says, '' he liked well and withall at the same time acknowledged him- self content to become the subject of our sovereign lord, the king aforesaid, his heirs and successors ; and

[ gave unto them all the lands adjacent to them and

i their heirs forever."

Thi^ treaty secured peace and safety to the colony for a period of fifty five years; indeed, it saved the colony from destruction. The lands granted by it to the settlers included what are now the townships of

26

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

Plyiiiuuth, Duxbury, Carver, Kiujjstou, Plyiiipton, Marshfield, Wareliam, and a part of Halifax. The colony now for the first time held any title to the land. It was ohtaiued by neither invasion nor conquest, but by the influence of a Christian spirit over the savage luind, a title which do charter nor patent in the luinds of the Pilgrims could confer, unless sealed and ac- knowledged by the natural owners of the soil. So sensitive were the Pilgrims to the rights of tlie In- dians that individual purchases of land from them rrijuired the approval of the court. In 1643 the fol- lowing act was passed :

" Whereas it is liol.lcn very unlawful an.l of .Um^ercus con- secjucnco iind it luvth been the consl.int eustoni from our first beginning th.it no person or persons have or ever did purchase, rent, or hire any lands, herbage, wood, or timber of the natives but by ilio nuigistrates' consent; it is therefore enacted by the court that if any person or persons do hereafter purchase, rent, or hire any lands, herbage, wood or timber of any of the natives in any place within this government without the consent and

assent of the court every such person or persons shall forfeit five pounds for every acre which shall bo so purchased, hired, rented, and taken, and for wood and timber to pay Ave times the value thereof, to bo lovieil to ihe colonies use."

Lest this law might be evaded, it was enacted in 1660, '-that in reference unto the law prohibiting buying or hiring land of the Indians directly or indi- rectly bearing date 1643, the court interprets those words also to comprehend under the same penalty a prohibition of any man's receiving any lands under pretence of any gift from the Indians without the approbation of the court." Indeed, it may be said with entire truth that notwithstanding the various ]jutents securing to the Pilgrims a legal title to their lands, until King Philip's war, in which the right of conquest was recognized, the Pilgrims never occupied a foot of territory within the limits of the Old Colony to wliich they had not secured the right from the In- dians either by purchase or treaty.

On the 23d of iMarch. the last day but one in the year under the old style, the military orders and laws were successfully concluded, and John Carver was rechosen Governor. On the 5th of April, the " May- flower" set sail on her return without a passenger. Before lier departure, forty-four of the Pilgrim Com- pany had died, and nearly a half of the ship's crew. Amon'.' the number were William White, Chris- topher Martin, Solomon Power, John Langemore, William Mullins, Edward Thompson, James Cliilton, Degory Priest, Richard Biitteridge, Elizabeth Wins- low, Dorothy Bradford, Mary AUerton, anil Rose Standish. Notwithstanding the appalling inroads of disease and death, none were deterred from remaining. Indeed, it is questionable whether the graves of

fathers and mothers, and husbands and wives and children, had not bound them indi.ssolubly by the most sacred ties to tlieir new home. Death had been so constant a companion as to have lost its terrors, and if they were to die, there could be no resting- place preferable to that beside the bodies of those they had loved. During the remaining seven months before the arrival of the " Fortune" on the 9th of No- vember, the number of deaths was reduced to six, among which were those of Governor Carver on the day of the departure of the " .Mayflower," and his wife at a later date. After that time the colony enjoyed remarkable health, and of the survivors remaining in the country, the average length of life, counting from the time of the landing, was more than thirty-.seven years. The first marriage in the colony was that on the 12th of May of Edward Winslow, whose wife, Elizabeth, died Slarch 24th, and Susanna White, whose husband, William, died on the 21st of Feb- ruary. So short a period of widowhood must be viewed in the light of the extraordinary conditions of a time in which, as laws are silent in war, the pre- vailing social rules must fail to apply. On the 18th of June, the first duel fouglit in the New World occurred between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, in which both were wounded. Doty remained with the colony, becoming a prominent member, and Leister removed to Virginia, where he may have introduced the code which for many years had there so thorough a recognition.

Soon after the death of Carver, William Bradford was chosen Governor, and Isaac Allertou an a.ssistant. The date of the election is nowhere recorded. The planting season was successfully improved, and the clouds which had lain so heavy and dark over the colony began to disappear. In July it was thought desirable to send an embassy to Massasoit, to bestow on him gratuities and confirm his friendly feelings. Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins were selected for the expedition, with Tisquantum for a guide, and an in- teresting account of the journey and visit, from the pen of Winslow, may be found in Mourt's " Relation." On the 18th of September, a shallop was sent to the Massachusetts tribe with ten men and Tis(juantum for interpreter and guide, to trade with the natives, and a considerable quantity of beaver skins was brought home, and the explorers reported concerning the place, and wished that there the settlement had been made. An account of this expedition may also be found in Mourt's " Relation." Soon the harvest was gathered, an abundance of fish were caught, deer, water-fowl, and wild turkeys were killed, and, as Brad- ford says, " many afterwards wrote largely of their

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

plenty to their friends in England, which were not feigned but true reports."

On the 9th of November, the " Fortune," a ve.ssel of fifty-five tons, unexpectedly arrived with thirty-five passengers, having sailed from London early in July. The names of the passengers were as follows :

John Adams.	Robert Jlickes.
William Bassite (2).	William Hilton.
William Bcale.	Bennet Morgan.
Edward Bompasse.	Thomas Morton.
Jonathan Brewster.	Austin Nieolas.
Clement Briggs.	William Palmer
John Cannon.	William Pitt.
William Conor.	Thomas Prence.
Robert Cushman.	Moses Simonsou
Thomas Cushman.	Hugh Statie.
Stephen Dean.	James Steward.
Philip De La Noye.	William Tench.
Thomas Flavell (2).	John Winslow.
AVidow Foord (4).	William Wright

In this list only thirty-four are accounted for, and it is probable that the thirty-fifth either died before the division of lands in which the names are disclosed, or was the wife or child of one of the passengers of the '■ iMayflower." The " Fortune" also brought a patent from the Northern Virginia Company, which, since the departure of the Pilgrims, had received a new charter' from the king, under the title of " The council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ordering, ruling, and governing of New England in America," empowering it to hold territory extending from sea to sea, and in breadth from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude. This territory included all between New Jersey and the Gulf of St. Lawrence on the Atlantic coast, and the northern part of California, Oregon, and nearly all of "Washington Territory on the Pacific. The patent was issued under date of June 1, 1621, to John Peirce and his associates, and \yas in trust for the benefit of the company. ' It is now preserved in Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth. It is engrossed on parch- ment, and bears the signatures of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of Warwick, Lord SheiEeld, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Another signature is illegible, and the seal of Hamilton is missing. As the oldest state paper in New England, it deserves a place in this narrative :

"This Indenture made the first day of June 1620 And in the years of the raigne of our soveraigne Lord James by the grace of god King of England Scotland Fraunce and Ireland defender of the faith &c That is to say of England Fraunee and Ire- land the nynetenth and of Scotland the four and fiftieth Be- twene the President and Counsell of New England of the one ptic And John Peirce Citisen and Clothworker of London and his Associates of the other ptie M'itnesseth that whereas the said John Peirce and bis Associates have already transported and 1 T'tJ<? .\ppeniJix V. pg. 137.

undertaken to transporte at their cost and charges themselves and dyver's pson's into New England and there to erect and build a Towno and settle dyvers Inhabitants for the advanue- inent of the generall plantacon of that Country of New Eng- land now the Sayde President and Counsell in consideracon thereof and for the furtherance of the said plantacon and in- coragement of the said Undertakers have agreed to grant as- .signe allott and appoynt to the said John Peirce and his asso- ciates and every of them his and their heires and assignes one hundred acres of ground for evry pson so to be transported be- sides dyvers pry viledges Liberties and commodytees hereafter menconed, And to that intent they have granted allotted as- signed and confirmed And by their presents doe grant allott assign and conflrme unto the said John Peirce and his Associ- ates his and their heires & assignes and the heires & assignes of evry of them sevrally and respecty velle one hundred sevrall acres of ground in New England for evry pson so transported or to be transported yf the said John Peirce or his Associates contynue there three whole yeers either at one or severall tymes or dye in the meane season after he or they are shipped with intent there to inhabit. The same land to be taken & chosen by them their deputies or assignes in any place or place where- soever not already inhabited by any English and where no Eng- lish pson or psons are already placed or settled or have by order of said President and Councell made choyce of nor within Tenn niyles of the same unless it be on the opposite syde of some great or Navigable Kyver to the former particular plantacon together with the one half of the Ryver or Ryvers that is to say to the middest thereof as shall adjoyne to such lands as they shall make choyce of together with all such Liberties pryvileges profitts &, coraodyties as the said Land and Ryvers which they shall make choyce of shall yield together with free libertie to fish on and upon the coast of New England and in all havens ports and creeks Thereunto belonging and that no pson or psons whatsoever shall take any benefitt or libertie of or to any of the grounds on the one half of the Ryvers afore- said excepting the free use of highways by land and Navigable Ryvers but that the said undertakers and planters their heires and assignes shall have the sole right and use of the said grounds and the one half of the said Ryvers with all their profitts and appurtenances. And for as much as the said John Peirce and his associates intend and have undertaken to build Churches, Scbooles, Hospitalls Town Houses, Bridges and such like workes of charytie. As also for the maynteyning of Magistrates and other inferior officers in regard whereof and to the end that the said John Peirce and his Associates his and their heires and assignes may have wherewithall to beare & support such like charges Therefore the said President and Councill aforesaid do graunt unto the said Undertakers their heirs & assignes Fifteene hundred acres of Land moreover and above the afore- said possescon of one hundred the pson for evry Undertaker and planler to be ymployed upon such public usis as the said Undertakers & Planters shall thinck fitt, And they do further graunt unto the said John Peirce and his Associates their heires and assignes that for evry pson that they or any of them shall transport at their owne proper costs & charges into New Eng- land either unto the Lands hereby graunted or adjoyninge to them within seaven years after the feast of St. John Baptist next comeing yf the said pson transported contynue these three whole years either at one or severall tymes or dye in the meane seasin after he is shipped with intent there to inhabit that the said pson or psons that shall so at his or their owne charges transport any other shall have graunted and allowed to him and them and his <fc their heirs respectyvelie for evry ]ison so transported or dyeing after he is shipped one hundred acres of Land and also that evry pson or psons who by contract &

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

iigrenment to be hud A iiiacle with the said Undertakers sliall at his *t their own charge transport him & themselves or any others and setlc and phvnt themselves in New England within th said ecaven yeeres for three jeeres space as aforesaid or dye in the meane tyme shall have graunted & allowed unto cvry pson so transporting or transported and their heires and assignes respcctyvely the lik number of one hundred acres of Land as aforesaid the same to be by him & them or their heires or assignes chosen in any entyre place together and adjoyning to the aforesaid Lands and not straglingly not before the tyme of such choyce made possessed or inhabited by any English Company or within tenne myles of the same except it be on the opposite syde of some great Navigable Kyver as afore- said. Yiehlini/ and p,aying unto the said President and Counsell for every hundred acres so obteyned and possessed by the said John Peirce and his said Associates and by those said other psons and their heires & assignes who by contract as aforesaid shall at their onne charges transport themselves or others the Yerely rent of two shillings at the feast of .St. Michael Tharchaungell to the hand of the Rent gatherer of the President & Counsell and their successors forever the first pay- ment to begyn after the xperacon of the first seaven yeeres next after the date hereof Ami further it shall be lawful to and for the said John Peirce and his associates and such as contract with them as aforesaid their Tennants i servants upon dislike of one in the country to returne for England or elsewhere with all their goods & chattells at their will &, pleasure without lett or disturbance of any paying all debts that justly shal be demanded .4ii(/ likewise it shall be lawfull and is granted to and for the said John Peirce his Associates <t Planters their heires & assignes their Tennants & servants and such as they or any of them shall contract with as aforesaid and send and ymploy for the said plantacon togoe & returne trade traffig im- port and transport their goods & merchandise at their will & pleasure into England or elsewhere paying only such duties to the King's majestic his heires & successors as the President & Counsell of New England doe pay without any other taxes Im- posicons burthens or restraints whatsoever upon them to be ymposed the rent hereby reserved being only excepted. Ami it shall be lawfull for the said Undertakers i Planters their heires & successors freely to truck trade & traffig with the salvages in New England or neighboring thereabouts at their wills and pleas- ures without lett or disturbance, As also to have libertie to hunt hauke fish or fowle in any place or places not now or hereafter by the English inhabited. And (lie said President & Counsell do covenant & promyse to and with the said John Peirce and his Associates and others contracted with as aforesaid his and their heires &. assignes. That upon Lawfull survey to be had & made at the charge of the said Undertakers &, Planters and lawfull ioformacon given of the bounds meets and quautytee of Land so as aforesaid to bo by them chosen & possessed they the said President ^t Counsell upon surrender of this presente graunt and Indenture and upon reasonable request to be made by the said Undertakers A Planters their heires & assignes within seaven Yeeres now next coming sh.all and will by their Deed Indented and under their Comon Seale graunt enfeoffe and confirme all and evry the said lands so sett out and boarded as aforesaid to the said John Peirce and his associates and such as contract with them their heires & assignes in as large and beneficeall manner as the same are in these presence graunted or intended to be graunted to all intents & pur|ioses with all and every particular priviledge & freedome reservaceon it con- dicon with all dcpendacis herein specyfied & graunted. And shall also at any tyme within the said terme of Seaven Yeeres upon request unto the said President & Counsell make graunt unto them the said John Peirce and his Associates Undertakers

.t Planters their heires i assignes Letters .t Graunts of Incor- poracon by some usual and fitt name *t tytle with Liberty to them and their successors from tyme to tyme to make orders Lawes ordynaunces i oonstitucons for the rule governnicut ordering & dyrectory of all psons to be transported i settled I upon the lands hereby graunted intended to be graunted or ' hereafter to be graunted and of the said Lands & proffitts thereby arrysing. And in the meane tyme untill such graunt made yt I shal be lawfull for the said John Peirce his Associates A Un- dert:ikers A Planters their heires & assignes by consent of the greater part of them To establish such lawes & ordynauneis as j are for their better government and the same by such oflSeer I or officers as they shall by most voyces elect A choose to put in ! execucon. -4H<nastly the said President ^k Counsell do graunt and agree to and with the said John Peirce and his .Associates and others contracted with and ymployed as aforesaid their heires and assignes That when they have planted the Lands hereby to them assigned & appoynted That then it shal be law- full for them with the pryvitie & allowance of the President A Counsell as aforesaid to make choyce of to enter into and to have an addition of fiftee acres more for evry pson transported j into New England with like reservaeons conditions and privi- ; ledges as are above graunted to bo had and chosen in such [ place or places where no English shal be then settled or inhab- iting or have made choyce of and the same entered into a Book of Acts at the tyme of such choyce is to be made or within tenne miles of the same excepting on the opposite syde of some great navigable River as aforesaid. And it shall and may be lawfull for the said John Peirce and his Associates their heires &. assignes from tyme to tyme and at all tymes hereafter for their severall defence and savetie to encounter repulse repell .t resist by force of Armes as well by Sea as by Land and by all wayes and meanes whatsoever all such pson and psons as without the especiall lycense of the said President or Counsell and their successors or the greater part of them shall attempt to inhabit within the several presencts and lymitts of their said Plantacon ; or shall enterpryse or attemjjt at any tyme hereafter destrucon Invation detryment or annoyance to the said Plantacon. Ami the Bald John Peirce and his Associates and their heires & as- signes do covenant k promyse to A with the said President k Counsell and their successors That they the said John Peirce and his Associates from tyme to tyme during the said Seaven Yeeres shall make a true Certificate to the said President .t Counsell and their successors from the chief officers of the places respectyvely of evry pson transported k landed in New England or shipped as aforesaid to be entered by the Secretary of the said President k Counsell into a Register book for that purpose to be kept Ami the said John Peirce and his Associates jointly and severally for them their heires k assignes do cove- nant promyse k graunt to and with the said President A Coun- sell and their successors That the psons transported to this their particular Plantacon shall apply themselves k their Labors in a large k competent manner to the planting setting making k procuring of goods k staple commodyties in k upon the said Land hereby graunted unto them as corne & silkgrane hemp flax pitch and tarre sopeashes and potashes yron clapboard and other the like materealls. In WitiMn whereof the said Presi- dent k Counsell have to the one part of the present Indenture sett their seales. And to the other part hereof the said John Peirce in the name of hiin.^elf and his said Associates have sett to his scale given the day and yeeres first above written.''

It has been erroneously supposed that this patent was superseded by another issued in 1622. The latter, however, was issued to Mr. Peirce on what

HISTORY OF PLrMOUTH.

29

appear to have been false representations to subserve his personal interests, and secure, if possible, the colo- nists as his tenants. His purpose was discovered in season to prevent the consummation of his plan, and the new patent was not bought by the friends of the Pilgrims, as has been repeatedly asserted, but by order of the president and Council was surrendered and canceled.

A letter was received by the '• Fortune" from Mr. Weston, one of the merchant adventurers, addressed to Governor Carver (then dead), a part of which — for a better understanding of the situation — is given

'•' I durst never .icquainte the adventurers with the alteration of the conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they known as j much as I do they would not have adventured a half-penny of what was necessary for this ship. That you sent no lading in ' the ship (' Mayflower') is wonderful, and worthily distorted. 1 I know your weakness was the cause of it, .and I believe more weakness of judgment than weakness of hands. A quarter of i the time you spent in discoursing, arguing, & consulting would have done much more; but that is past. If you mean bmiajide to perform the conditions agreed upon do us the favor to copy them out fair and subscribe them with the principal of your names. And likewise give us account as particularly .as you ' can bow our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction whom I am now forced with good words to shift off. And consider that the life of the business j depends on the lading of this ship, which if you do to any good ! purpose that I may be freed from the great sums I have dis- ; bursed for the former, and must do for the latter, I promise you I will never quit the business though all the other adventurers i

would.

"We have procured you a Charti is better than your former and wit thing that is else worth writing Mi I pray write instantly for Mr.'Robinson so praying God to 1 this life Jt that to ei

, the best we could, which

less limitation. For any- '

Cushman can inform you. I

to you. And I

you with all graces necessary for both I

"London, July 6, 162 1."

Owing to the discontent existing in consequence of the alteration of the original articles of agreement, the Pilgrims had left England without signing them. A reference to this is made in the letter. Robert Cushman, who had consented to the alteration with- out the knowledge and approval of the Leyden com- pany, and who had at the last moment abandoned the voyage in the " Mayflower," came in the " Fortune" as the agent of the adventurers, to look to their inter- ests and secure the confirmation of the articles. The address delivered by him during his visit at Plymouth, from the text (1 Cor. x. 2-t ), " Let no man seek his own, but every man another's wealth," was simply a plea for the adventurers his principals, and on the 13th of December he again set sail in the •' Fortune"

for England, bearing the subscribed articles and hav- ing a cargo of clapboards and skins worth five hun- dred pounds in charge. Mr. Cushman brought with him his son, a youth fourteen years of age, whom he left under the care of Governor Bradford, and who in 16-19, after the death of William Brewster, became the elder of the Plymouth Church. The " Fortune" was captured by the French on her voyage home, her cargo lost, and Cushman seriously delayed in his return. He died in 1625, before he was able to become in the flesh, as he had always been in the spirit, a member of the colony.

After the accession of the passengers by the " For- tune" without supplies of their own, an account of provisions in store was taken, and it was found that on a half allowance a six months' stock was on hand. As the first contribution to their stock would be made by the nest spring's fish, leaving out of the account the precarious supply of wild game, a half allowance was ordered, and the winter was passed without any arrival to increase their store. In the month of May, 1622, a boat reached them from a fishing-vessel sent out by Mr. Weston, and lying at anchor at a " place called Damarin's Cove" (near Monhegan), bringing seven additional passengers, several letters, but no supplies. The letters gave a discouraging account of affairs among the adventurers, and at the latter end of June, or the first of July, the " Charity," of one hun- dred tons, and the " Swan," of thirty, arrived, bring- ing fifty or sixty men, which Weston had sent out at "his own charge to plant for him." The vessels were bound to Virginia with other passengers, and during their absence these men, who were harbored by the Pilgrims, caused such trouble as made the re- turn of the ships and their departure for some place within the bay of Massachusetts a matter of congrat- ulation. Letters were also received from Mr. Wes- ton saying, notwithstanding his protestations of abid- ing friendship, that he had sold out his interest as one of the adventurers and dissolved his connection with the Pilgrims. In August two other ships came into the harbor, one the " Sparrow," a fishing-vessel belonging to Weston, and the other the " Discovery," commanded by Capt. Jones, probably the master of the •' Mayflower," on her way to Virginia, from which they were supplied with all necessary provisions at prices which a sharp trader in a bare market would be likely to exact.

In the winter of 1622-23, Governor Bradford went, among other places, to the Indian village called Manomet. At that time the whole territory from Barnstable, on Plymouth Bay, to Buzzard's Bay bore that name, and the Indian village was seated on the

IIISTORV OF PLYMOUTH.

Buzzard's Bay side. The ponds now called Half-way Pouds were in Manomet, and undoubtedly gave the name to Manomet Ponds, a name finally, when the stage-road to Sandwich passed these ponds, restricted to the present Manomet Ponds or South Plymouth, while the Half-way Ponds derived their new name from the fact that they were half-way to Sandwich. On this visit of Bradford the discovery was made of the facility with which tran.*portation could be carried on between the bays on the two sides of the cape, which was still further narrowed by a creek on one side and a river on the other, leaving a portage of only four or five miles between. Advantage of this was taken in 1627 by erecting at Manomet a trading- house near Buzzard's Bay, at the head of boat naviga- tion, to and from which goods brought from or sent to the Dutch at New Amsterdam were carried across the narrow strip. The present enterprise of the Cape Cod Canal is only the application of an ancient dis- covery to the increasing demands of a business com- munity, and the most complete evolution of the rude ^ methods of the earliest settlers.

In the summer of 1622 a fort was built on Burial Hill, which, according to Morton, was built " of good timber, both strong and comely, which was of good defence, made with a flat roof and battlements, on which their ordnance was mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of danger. It served them also for a meeting-house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great work for them to do in their weakness and times of want, but the danger of the time required it, there being con- tinual rumors of the Indians." The sachem of the Narragansetts, Canonicus, had not long before sent a messenger to the Pilgrims, bearing the skin of a rat- tle.snake filled with arrows, whicb Tisquantum inter- preted as a warlike challenge. Governor Bradford, in a spirit of defiance, substituted powder and shot for the arrows and sent it back. Winslow says, in his "Relation," "Knowing our weakness, notwithstand- ing our high words and lofty looks, we thought it most needful to impale our town, which, with all ex- pedition, we accomplished in the month of February, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated, making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town ; in three whereof are gates, and the fourth in time to be." The fort was repaired and enlarged in 1G30-35 and 1642, and finally in 1676, before King I'hilip's war, was rebuilt one hundred feet square, with palisades ten and a half feet high, and three pieces of ordnance planted within it. The material of this fort was purchased

after the war by William Harlow, and used in the construction of a dwelling-house now standing on Sandwich Street, owned by Professor Lemuel Ste- phens. Previous to the erection of the fort, in 1622, the Common House had doubtless been used for meet- ings on the Sabbath, and in 1637 the first permanent meeting-house was erected on the north side of Town Square. The precise location of this house has never been determined until the investigations of the author disclosed it in certain references contained in the records and deeds. When Governor Bradford died he seems to have been in possession of all the land on the north side of the square from what is now Main Street to School Street, the land immediately above him having been occupied by John Alden before his removal to Duxbury. After the death of the Gov- ernor tlie land fell into the hands of his two sons, William and Josejih Bradford, Joseph owning the upper half and William the lower. The dividing line must have been, as shown by subsequent deeds, about seventeen feet east of the lot of the Pilgrimage Church. In 1701 it was voted by the town, "that with reference to the spots of land in controversy be- tween Major Bradford and the town, viz., that spot he sold to John Dyer and the spot of land where the old meeting-house stood, the town do quit their claim to said lands." The reference to Maj. Brad- ford does not decide the question, because both Wil- liam and Joseph were majors, but the reference to the lot sold to John Dyer is conclusive, because the only land conveyed to him by either was a lot sold by Wil- liam in 1G9S, near the foot of Leyden Street, described in the deed as the lot on which the old store-house formerly stood. As the Governor's house at the time the meeting-house was built stood on the corner of the square, it is demonstrated that, giving the Governor's house a lot of about fifty feet, the meeting-house must have stood between his line and a point seven- teen feet easterly of the Pilgrimage Church. In testing the matter, it must be remembered that Odd- Fellows' Hall, now standing on the corner, was built ten feet or more from the old line of Main Street.

In August, 1623, the " Ann." of one hundred and forty tons, and the " Little James," of forty-four, arrived, bringing about eighty-nine passengers. Xo passenger-list has been preserved, but unless some died before the division of lands in 1624 the following names referred to in that division must approximate to accuracy :

Anthony Ann.ibk.	Kilwara Banj
Jane Annable.	Kubtrt BartU
Sarah Annablo.	Fear Brewstc
Hannah Annable.	I'atienee Bre

HISTORY OF PLYiMOUTH.

31

Mary Buckett. Edward Burcher. Mrs. Burcher. Thomas Clarke. Christopher Cunant. Hester Cooke. Cuthbert Cuthbertson.

wife, and four childre Anthony Dix. John Faunce. Mannaseh Faunce. Goodwife Flavell. Edmund Flood. Bridget Fuller. Timothy Hatherly. William Heard. Margaret Hicks and thn

children. AVilliam Hilton. Mrs. Hilton. William Hilton, Jr.

Hilton.

Edward Holman. John Jenney, wife, a

three children. Robert Long. E-iperience Mitchell.

Patience Morton. Nathaniel Morton. John Morton. Sarah Morton.

Ephraim Morton. George Morton, Jr. Thomas Morton, Jr Ellen Nevvton. John Oldham, and :

pany of nine. Francis Palmer.

Chris Two

of Mr,

Joshua Pratt. James Rand. Robert Rattliffe. Mrs. Rattliffe. Nicholas Snow. Alice Southworth. Francis Sprague. Mrs. Sprague and child. Barbara Standish. Thomas Tilden. Stephen Tracey. TriphosaTracey, his wif( Sarah Tracey. Ralph Wallen. Joyce Wallen, his wife. Elizabeth Warren. Mary Warren. Ann Warren. Sarah Warren. Elizabeth Warren. Abigail Warren.

Of these, Patience and Fear Brewster were children of the elder; Goodwife Flavell was the wife of Thomas, who came in the '• Fortune ;"' Bridget Fuller was the wife of Samuel, who came in the " May- flower ;" Margaret Hicks was the wife of Robert, who came in the " Fortune," and had with her three children; William Hilton brought his wife and two children ; George Morton brought six children ; Thomas Morton, Jr., was the son of Thomas, who came in the ■' Fortune ;" Alice Southworth was the widow of Edward and the future wife of Governor Bradford ; Barbara Standish was the future wife of Miles, her maiden name unknown ; Hester Cooke was the wife of Francis, who came in the " Mayflower ;" and Elizabeth Warren was the wife of Richard, one of the " Mayflower" passengers, and came with her five children. Of the whole number Bradford says that about " sixty were for the general, some of them being very useful persons and became good members to the body, and besides these there came a company that did not belong to the general body, but came on their own particular, and were to have lands assigned them and be for themselves, yet to be subject to the general government." Of these last it is prob- able that John Oldham and his company of nine formed a part or the whole. The passengers by these two vessels, with those of the " Mayflower" and

" Fortune," make up the list of those called first- comers.

By the terms of the contract with the adventurers, the two parties to the contract formed a joint stock company, whose lands and goods were to remain in common for seven years. The company during the seasons of 1621 and 1622 had worked together on company lands, but it was found that the want of individual responsibility was the means of producing unsatisfactory results. " So they began" in 1623 " to think how they might raise as much corn as they could and obtain a better crop than they had done, that they might not still thus languish in misery. At length after much debate of things the Governor (with the advice of the chiefest amongst them) gave way that they should set corn every man for his own particular and in that regard trust to themselves : in all other things to go on in the general way as before. And so he assigned to every ftimily a parcel of land according to the proportion of their number for that end only for present use (but made no division for inheritance), and ranged all boys and youth under some family. This had very good success ; for it made all hands very industrious." The result was I that the harvest of 1623 was abundant, and Bradford says " instead of famine now God gave them plenty, and the face of things was changed to the re- joicing of the heart, of many, for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particular planting was well seen, for all had one way and other pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler sort j and more industrious had to spare and sell to others, so as any general want or famine hath not been I amongst them since to this day." (Bradford's " His- ' tory of Plymouth Plantation," begun in 1630 and fin- ished in 1650.)

The " Ann" sailed on her return voyage Sept. 10, 1623, laden with clapboards and furs, and Edward Winslow was sent in her to render accounts to the adventurers and procure such things as were thought needful for the colony. The " Little James" 1 remained in Plymouth engaged in trading excursions ' until 1625, when she returned also to England. A reference by Bradford to one of her expeditions is vamable, as showing the unfounded nature of the popular belief that Brown's Island, outside of Ply- mouth harbor, was once an actual island. He says, " Also in her return home, at the very entrance into their own harbor, she had like to have been cast away in a storm, and was forced to cut her main mast by the board to save herself from driving on the Jiats that lie without called Brown's Island." During the remainder of the year the colony was more or less

HISTORY OF PLY-MOUTII.

disturbed by tbc nianairemoiit and conduct of Thomas Weston, who had made a settlement at Massachusetts, and by the arrival of Robert Gorges, brother of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, holding a commission from the Council of New England to be Governor-General of the country. His commission appointed for his coun- sel and assistance Francis West, Christopher Lovett, and the Governor of New Plymouth, and gave him authority to appoint such other persons as he should see fit. It also gave him and his assistants or any three of them, of which three he must be one, full power to do and execute what to them should seem good in all cases, whether criminal or civil. Before the close of the year, however, Gorges abandoned his ofSce. and, in the language of Bradford, " returned for England having scarcely saluted the country in his government, not finding the state of things here to answer his quality and condition."

In March, 1623/4, Mr. Winslow returned in the "Charity," a vessel engaged in fishing, bringing with him the first cattle introduced into the colony, con- sisting of a bull and three heifers, and also clothing and other necessaries. He brought also the following letter from James Sherley, one of the adventurers, which will explain the condition of their affairs at that time :

'Mo

jg fri(

I many thanks. It hath jil

I have received, and r( God to stir up the hearts of our adventurers to raise a new stock for the setting forth of the ship called the Charity with men & necessaries, both for the plantation and the fishing, though accomplished with very great difficulty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubtedly aim more at their own private ends, and the thwarting & opposing of some here and other worthy instruments of God's glory elsewhere, than at the general good and furtherance of this noble & laudable action. Tct again we have many others, and I hope the greatest p.^rt very honest Christian men, which I am persuaded their ends and intents are wholly for the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ in the propagation of his gospel and hope of gain- ing those poor salvages to the knowledge of God. But as we have a proverb one scabbed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malcontented persons and turbulent spirits do what in them lyeth to withdraw men's hearts from you and your friends, yea even from the general business, and yet under show and pretense of godliness and furtherance of the plantation. Whereas the quite contrary doth plainly appear, as some of the honester hearted men (though of late of their faction) did make mani- fest at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or myself with these restless affairs of all goodness, and I doubt will be continual disturbances of our friendly meetings & love. On Thursday, the Sth of January, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us where they would reject that which we in our late letters pressed you to grant (an addition to the time of our joint stock). And their reason which they would make known to us was, it troubled their conscience to exact longer time of you than was agreed upon at the first. But that night they were so followed and crossed of their perverse courses as they were even wearied, and offered to sell their adventures,

and some were willing to buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandal and false reports, and so divers way do us more hurt by going off in such a fury than they could or can by continuing adventurers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on the 12th of January we had another meeting, but in the interim divers of us had talked with most of them privately, and had great combats A reasoning pro &, con. But at night when we met to read the general letter we had the lovingest and friendliest meeting that ever I knew, and our greatest ene- mies offered to lend us fifty pounds. So I sent for a potte of wine (I would you could do the like) which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn the hearts of men when it pkaseth him. Thus, loving friends, I heartily salute you all in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,

" Yours to my power,

" James .SHKRLKy. "Jan. 25, I(i23/4."

Mr. Sherley was one of the adventurers who proved himself until his death a true friend of the colony. He sent over a heifer as a gift, which, with its in- crease, was to be held for the benefit of the poor of the town, and in honor of its first benefactor and its faithful friend Plymouth has named one of its squares '' Sherley Square." The names of the other adven- turers, either in 1G20 or at this time, are not posi- tively known. A list, however, has been preserved of those who formed the company Nov. 25, 1626. and who at that time subscribed a supplementary agreement with the Pilgrims. In making up from this a list of the original members it must be remem- bered that several names, including those of Thomas Weston, William Greene, and Edward Pickering, who had left the company, must be included, and perhaps the names of some new members be omitted. The list in 1626 was as follows :

Robert Alden. Emnu Alltham. Richard Andrews. Thomas Andrews. Lawrence Anthony. Edward Bass. John Beauchamp. Thomas Brewer. Henry Browning. AVilliam Collier. Thomas Coventry. Thomas Fletcher. Thomas Goffe. Peter Godburn. Timothy Hatherly. Thomas Heath. William Hobson. Robert Holland. Thomas Hudson. Robert Kcan. John King.

Knight, ght.

Eli:

John Ki Myles Knowles. Thom.as Millsop. Thomas Mott. Fria Xewbold. William Penningtoi William Penren. John Pocock. Daniel Pointer. William Quarles. John Revell. Newman Rooks. Samuel Sharp. James Sherley. John Tliornell. Matthew Tbornhill. .Joseph Tilden. Thomas Ward. John White. Richard Wright.

Of these, William Collier, Timothy Hatherly, John Kevell, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Brewer, Henry Browning, John Kuight, Samuel Sharp,

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

Thomas Ward, and John White probably came to New England before 1640. Timothy Hatherly came in the " Ann," and going home, again came to the Old Colony, and John Revell went back not to return. These gentlemen have been known in history as the " Merchant Adventurers." John Smith, writing in 1624, says, " The adventurers which raised the stock to begin and supply the plantation were about seventy, j some gentlemen, some merchants, some handicrafts- men, some adventuring great sums, some small, as their estates and affection served. These dwelt most in London. They are not a corporation, but knit to- gether by a voluntary combination iu a society without j restraint or penalty, aiming to do good and to plant i religion." 1

Other letters were received from Robert Cushman and John Robinson, the latter full of advice and counsel, and with reference to the summary punish- ment inflicted by Standish on Pecksuot and other na- tives, of which he had been advised, he said, "Con- cerning the killing of these poor Indians, of which we heard at first by report and since by more certain relation, oh ! how happy a thing had it been if you had converted some before you had killed any ; be- sides, where blood has once begun to be shed, it is seldom stanched of a long time after. You well say j they deserved it. I grant it ; but upon what provo- | cations and invitements by those heathenish Chris- tians ? (Weston's men.) Besides, you being no magis- trates over them, were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you were by necessity constrained to inflict." Still other letters represented the unfavor- able reports which certain discontented hangers-on of i the colony had made, which at Mr. Sherley's sugges- tion were answered in full. Mr. John Lyford had been ' sent in the " Charity" by a part of the adventurers to act as pastor, but he proved unsatisfactory, and was soon sent back. The '■ Charity" also brought a fish- ing-patent for Cape Ann, issued by Lord SheflBeld, a member of the Council for New England, to Robert Cushman and Edward Winslow and their associates, which, however, proved of little value, and was soon i abandoned. It was dated Jan. 1, 1623/4, and the original parchment has been within a few years dis- ' covered and published in facsimile under the edi- torial care of Mr. John Wingate Thornton.

In the spring of 1624, before the planting season began, a general desire was expressed for a more permanent division of land. Bradford says that i " they began now highly to prize corn as more precious than silver, and those that had some to spare began to trade, one with another, for small things, by the quart, pottle, and peck ; for money they had none, '

and if any had, corn was preferred before it. That they might therefore increase their tillage to better advantage, they made suit to the Governor to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lot, for by that means that which the more industrious had brought into good culture (by such pains) one year, came to leave it the next, and often anotlier might enjoy it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over and to less profit. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given one acre of land to them and theirs as near the town as might be, and they had no more till the seven years were expired." The following allotments were accordingly made. Sixty-nine acres were granted to those who came in the " Mayflower." Twenty-nine of these situated south of Town Bank, between Sandwich Street and the harbor, and extending south nearly if not quite as far as Fremont Street, were granted to

Robert Cushman 1 j Isaac Allertoo 7

William Brewster 6 ! John Billington 3

William Bradford 3 i Peter Brown 1

Richard Gardiner 1 j Samuel Fuller 2

Francis Cooke 2 Joseph Rogers 2

George Soule 1

Sixteen acres, includ were granted to

John Howland.. Stephen Hopkin Edward Leister

hat is now Watson's Hi

Five acres, between Bu Pond, were granted to William White

■ial Hill and Murdock's

Though Mr. White had been dead three years, and his children received their acres with Edward Wins- low, whom their mother had married, it is probable that under the articles of agreement he had con- tributed a sufficient amount of money to entitle his family to the allotted acres.

Nineteen acres between Court Street and the harbor, and bounded on the north by Winslow Square (Railroad Park), were granted to

Edward Winslow

Richard Warren

John Goodman

John Craekstone

Henry Sampson

.... 4 ; John Alden 2

.... 2 ! Mary Chilton 1

,... 1 j Miles Standish 2

.... 1 Francis Eaton 4

.... 1 Humilitie Cooper 1

In this allotment it is to be noticed that Goodman had been dead three years according to Bradford, and that Standish received two acres, though his first wife died in 1621, and his second wife, Barbara, received an allotment in her own name. With regard to Standish, it is probable that the rule applied to White governed his case, and perhaps that of Goodman also, though Goodman had no family. It is more probable

34

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

that the record of the death of Goodman bj' Brad- ford before the division of land, is an error.

Thirty-three acres were granted to those who came in the '• Fortune." Six of these immediately north of Winslow Square, on the cast side of Court Street, were granted to

am Hilton 1 .Tolin .\daiiis

Winslow 1 William Tench...

:im Conner 1 ' John Cannon....

Eight acres immediately north of the Won Mill Brook were granted to

Thomas Cushm:in 1

Nineteen acres, extending from the First or Shaw's

Brook to the Woolen-Mill Brook, or the Second

Brook, were granted to

.... 1 j Clement Briggs 1

.... 1 Jame.s Steward 1

Wright

Willi Willi Robert Hicke?

Thomas Prencc 1 : In,,;,! ;,,n !..,> i., I

Stephen Dean l| I;, n V ,, 1

Moses .Siraonson 1 , Tli , .1 , ■ : -■

Philip De la Nove llTh,,,,,,. M I

Edward Bompasse 1 ' William llassite 2

Ninety-five acres were granted to those who came in the ••Ann' and " Little James." Forty-five acres lying north of the Woolen-Mill or Second Brook, northerly across the Third or Cold Spring Brook, were granted to

James Rand

Francis Sprague

Edmond Flood

Christopher Conant..

Francis Cooke

Edward Burcher

John Jenney

Goodwile Flavell

Mannasseh Faunce..

John Faunos

George Morton

Expcrie

Thomas Morton. .Ir. William Uilton, lor'

two children

Alice Bradford

Robert Hickes, for '

three children

Bridget Fuller

Ellen Newton

Patience Brewster .

Fear Brewster

Robert Long

William Heard

Christian Penn 1 Barbara Stundish..

Fifty acres on both sides of Wellingsly E so on south, were granted to

Twoservantsof Mr. Peir

Ralph Wallen

6 Stephen Tracey

Mary Buckett

John Oldham & Co.... Cuthbert Cuthbertson

Anthony Annable 4 Thomas CI

Thomas Tilden .S Robert Bartlett 1

Richard Warren 5 Edward Holman I

Edward Bangs 4, Francis Palmer I

Robert Ratlliffe 2 ! Joshua Pratt 1

Nicolas .Snow 1 Plienehas Pratt I

Anthony Di.\ 1

The precise situation of many of the lots iiK-ludeJ in the above division, and the names of their subse- quent owners and occupants, may be found in " An- cient Landmarks of Plymouth." These acres, one hundred and ninety-seven in all, had already been oUared by the Indians, and planted by them perhaps for centuries. They were confined within a strip of

land running less than two miles and a half along the shore, and not more than a quarter of a mile wide in the widest part. It was doubtless their proximity to running streams, in which herring abounded and fur- ni.shed the best means of enriching the soil, which had probably produced a more exten.sive clearing than could be found elsewhere on the coast withiu the same limits. It is quite possible that the comparative richness of this strip to-d.iy, bounded as it is by the niiirc sandy soil of later clearings, is due to the long !md generous culture which it received from the I'atuxet tribe.

In March, 1624, William Bradford was again chosen (Jovernor. From 1621, when he succeeded Governor Carver, he was chosen annually until his death in 11)57, with the exception of the years 1633, 1636, and 1644, when Edward Winslow was chosen, and the years 1634 and 1638, when Thomas Prence was Governor. Up to this time Isaac Allerton was the .••ingle assistant, but this year, on the representations of the Governor that the duties of his ofBce had increased with the swelling colony, four additional assistants were chosen. He advised, also, rotation in ofiice and the substitution of another for himself He said, '• If it was an honor or benefit it was fit others should be made partakers of it ; if it was a burthen (as doubtless it was) it was but equal others should help to bear it." No record exists showing who be- sides Mr. Allerton acted as assistants until 1633, when, at the election of Governor Winslow, William Bradford, Miles Standish, John Howland, John Alden, John Done, Stephen Hopkins, and AVilliam Gibson were chosen. The earliest elections were held on the 23d of March, the day before the last in the year under the old style, at a later time in Janu- ary until 1636, when it was enacted that on the first Tuesday in March annually "a Governor and seven assistants be chosen to rule and govern tlie said plan- tation within the said limits for one whole year and no more ; and this election to be made only by the freemen according to the former customs. And that then also constables for each part, and other inferior oSicers be also chosen."

At this time the colony, according to John Smith, consisted of '• one hundred and eighty persons, some cattle and goats, but many swine and poultry and thirty-two dwelling-houses." He adds, " The place it seems is healthful, for in these last three years, not- withstanding their great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of the first planters." In the lat- ter part of the year 1624 Winslow sailed again for England in the " Little James," and returned in 1625. On his return he reported loss of confidence

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

in the enterprise on the part of the adventurers, and the debt of the colony to be fourteen hundred pounds. In the year of his return Standish, taking advantage of the return of a fishing vessel, went to England " to obtain a supply of goods and learn what terms could be made for a release." In 1626 he returned with the news of the death of both Robinson and [ Cushnian, that of the former at Leyden, 3Iarch 1, 1625, and reported that he had hired one hundred and fifty pounds at fifty per cent., which he had ex- pended in the most needful commodities. In the I same year Mr. Allerton went also to England with j orders " to make a composition with the adventurers upon as good terms as he could (unto which some way had been made the year before by Capt. Stand- ish), but yet enjoined him not to conclude absolutely till they knew the terms and had well considered of them ; but to drive it to as good an issue as he could and refer the conclusion to them." He returned in 1627, having hired two hundred pounds at thirty per cent., and concluded the following agreement with the adventurers, subject to the approval of the colony :

" To all ChrhHan people, greeting, rf-c. Whereas at a mee ing the 26th of October last past diverse and sundrie persoi whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed i a schedule hereunto anne-xed. Adventurers to New Plimouth i New England in America were contented and agreed in consii

eration of the

Dd and eight hundr

lumds

sterling to he paid (in manner and forme folloing) to sell and make sale of all and every the stocks, shares, lands, merchan- dise, and ohatles whatsoever to the said adventurers and others, their fellow-adventurers to New Plimouth aforesaid any way accruing or belonging to the generalitie of the said adventurers aforesaid ; as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money j or merchandise at any time heretofore advertised or disbursed by them or otherwise howsoever ; for the better expression and setting forth of which said agreemente the parties to these ^ presents subscribing doe for themselves severally and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell, and transfere all it [ every the said shares, goods, lands, merchandise, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid unto Isack Allerton, one of the I planters resident at Plimouth afToresaid assigned and sent over I as agente for the rest of the planters there and to such other planters at Plimouth afforesaid as the said Isaack, his heirs and assignes at his or their arrivall shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake in the premises, their heirs &, ; assignes in as large, ample, and beneficiale manner and forme to all intents and purposes as the said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe or performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, Ac, to the said adventurers in severallitie alloted, apportioned or any way belonging the said adventurers doe warrant & defend unto the said Isaack Allerton, his heirs &> assignes, against them their heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therefore the said Isaack Allerton doth for him, his heirs and assigns, cov- enant, promise, and grant too and with the adventurers whose names are hereunto subscribed, their heirs Ac, well it truly to pay or cause to be payed unto the said adventurers, or five of them which were at the meeting afforsaid nominated & de- 1 putcd, viz., John Pocock, John Beauchamp, P.obert Keane, Edward Basse, and James Sherley, merchants, their heirs, ic, '

too and for the use of the generallitie of them the sume of eighteen hundred pounds of lawfuU money of England at the place appoynted for the receipts of money on the west side of the Royall E.xchaing in London by two hundred pounds yearly and every year on the feast of St. Jligchell, the first paiment to be made Anno l(i2S, Ac. Allso, the said Isaack is to endcivor to procure i obtains from the pLanters of New Plimouth afore- said securitie by severall obligations or writings obligatory to make paiment of the said sume of eighteen hundred pounds in forme afforsaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. In testimony whereof to this part of these presents remaining with the said Isaack Allerton, the said subscribing adventurers have sett to their names, ta. And to the other part remaining with the said adventurers the said Isaack Allerton hath sub- scribed his name the 15 November, Anno 1626, in the 2 year of his Majesties raigne." 1142281

After a prolonged consultation it was decided to approve the agreement, and the debt of eighteen hun- dred pounds to the adventurers, together with a debt of six hundred more to other parties, was assumed by William Bradford, Miles Standish, Isaac Allerton, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, John Howland, John Alden, and Thomas Prence, together with James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Timothy Hatherly, four of their friends among the adventurers. By the following instrument the trading rights of the colony were assigned to these gentlemen as security for their assumption of the debt :

"Articles OF agreemestb betweene the collony of New Plim- oth of the one partie and William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaack Allerton, .^c., on the other partie, and shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as partners and under- takers with them concerning the trade for beaver and other furrs and commodities, itc. ; made July, 1627. " First, it is agreede and covenanted betweexte the said par- ties that the afforesaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Stan- dish, and Isaack Allerton, Ac, have undertaken, and doe by these presents covenant and agree to pay, discharge, and ac- quite the said collony of all the debtes both due for the pur- chass or any other belonging to them at the day of the date of these presents.

"Secondly, the above said parties are to have and freely in- joye thepinass Latly built, the boat at .Manamelt, and the shal- lop called the Bass-boat, with all other implimeuts to them belonging that is in the store of the said company ; with all the whole stock of furrs, bells, beads, corne, wampumpeak, hatchetts, knives, Ac, that is now in the storre or any way due unto the same uppon accounte.

"Thirdly, That the above said parties have the whole trade to themselves, their heires and assignes, with all the privileges thereof as the said eoUonie doth now or may use the same for si.x full years, to begin the last of September next insuing.

" Fourthly, In furder consideration of the discharge of the said debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and cove- nante yearly to pay or cause to bo payed to the above said par- ties during the full terme of the said six yeares three bushells of corne or six pounds of tobacco, at the undertaker's choyse.

" Fifthly, The said undertakers shall dureing the afforesaid terme bestow fifty pounds per annum in hose and shoese, to be brought over for the collonie's use, to be sould unto them for eorne at six shillings per bushell.

"Sixthly, That at the end of the said terme of six yeares the

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

ole trade sha lonie as bef.ir

the

I of the said

" Lastly, if the afforesaiJ undertakers, after they have ac- quainted their friends in England with the covenants, doe (upon the first returne) resolve to performe them, and under- take to discharge the debtes of the said coUony according to the true meaning and intente of these presentes, then they are (upon such notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be given to the said collonie of the disposing of all things ac- cording to the former order."

Thus was the connection of the colony with the mer- chant adventurers dissolved. The guarantors of the debt at once took steps to develop the trade whose monopoly they had secured ; and after familiarizing the inland tribes with the use of wampum, which they introduced as a circulating medium, their opera- tions in furs and other commodities, which they shipped to England, became sufficiently large to en- able them to liquidate the debt within the specified time. The wampum used by the Pilgrims, specimens of which are preserved in Pilgrim Hall, was made from the purple and white parts of the quaw-haug shell, round, about a sixteenth of an inch thick, and a little more than a quarter of an inch in diameter, with a hole in the middle for stringing on strings of bark or hemp, the purple and white alternating on the string, the purple of double the value of the white, and the whole rated at five shillings per fathom. On such a currency the foundation of the commercial prosperity of New England was laid. Without it, it is possible that the effort at coloniza- tion would have been a failure. It is difficult to imagine the desperate condition from which at this period the colony succeeded in extricating itself Less than three hundred strong, surrounded by savages and the forest, sheltered by thatched huts from the winter's cold, insufficiently clothed and fed, looking out from their windows on the graves of husbands and wives and parents and children, borrowing money in England at an interest of fifty per cent., and bur- dened with a debt larger per capita than our national debt at the close of the war; at this critical period, the very turning-point in their enterprise, when merely worldly men without trust in God would have faltered, and merely religious men without trust in themselves would have abandoned themselves to prayer, they brought into play those practical traits of character which their life in Holland had devel- oped, and consummated an act which will ever be considered one of the miracles of history. From this time forth the colonization of New England was an assured success. The cement in which its founda- tions were laid had hardened, and the safety of the structure to be reared was secured.

The connection of the Pilgrims with the adventur- ers, though one of necessity, was interwoven with annoyances and embarrassments. They were a body of men far from homogeneous in their character, en- tering into the enterprise with various purposes and motives. Some were men of religious instincts, hoping to aid in the conversion of the heathen tribes of the New World, and some were speculators, eager to secure large profits from what they believed to be a good investment. Of the men religiously inclined not all, nor a majority, were in sympathy with the Pilgrims. Only a few occupied the advanced ground of separatism on which the colonists stood ; most of them were still adherents to the church, hoping while they converted the heathen to exert a restraining in- fluence on the schismatic movements of the Pilgrims

I themselves. To the influence of the latter was un-

j doubtedly due the effort to keep Robinson separated from his departed flock, and the attempt to substitute

I pastoral leaders more conservative than him to guide the footsteps of the growing colony. Indeed, to them were due, with the exception of the feeble and unsuc-

: cessful movement on the part of the Council for New England to make Robert Gorges Governor, all the ob- stacles emanating from England, which until the latest days of the colony the Pilgrims were obliged to en- counter. King James, under whose reign their enter- prise had been undertaken, had died without even a recognition of the colony ; Charles had come to the throne and gone to the block almost in ignorance of his extending empire across the seas ; while Cromwell, a Puritan himself, took Winslow, a leading Pilgrim, into his confidence and service and imposed on him duties of responsibility and trust. There was still another class, however, among the adventurers, neither religious devotees nor speculators, composed of men who cared as little for the conversion of the heathen as for the inordinate profits of trade, — who probably thought little of the piirification of the forms of the church, or of their abandonment, or even of their

I importance and value, — men undoubtedly of large

; means, but generous hearts, such as are seen to-day in our own communities combining all the qualities of broad, liberal, honest, square-dealing, sympathetie, manly merchants, — and this was the class, represented by Sherley and Hatherly and Beauchamp, which when once embarked in the scheme of colonization di.scov- ercd the quality of the men they were assisting, and

j through evil and through good report adhered to their cause, and looked upon the gain to a noble body of self sacrificing men as a satisfictory complement to

I what was a loss to themselves. Whatever may be '' said of the adventurers and their dealings, it must be

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

finally ackuowlcdgeil that their connection with the Pilgrims proved the bridge of safety across which civilization made a successful march from the Old to the New World.

CHAPTER III.

LIFE OF THE COLONY— TOWX GOVERNMENT— SEC- OND PATENT— DEATH OF BREWSTER.

Before proceeding further with a history of the affairs of the Old Colony, it may be well to allude to several published works to which reference has been made in these pages. The first is that called Mourt's " Relation." It was written somewhat in the form of a journal by two or more persons in Plymouth, and contains a diary of events from the arrival of the '■ Mayflower" at Cape Cod, Nov. 9, 1620, to the return of the "Fortune," Dec. 11, 1621. It has long been an accepted theory that Bradford and Winslow were the authors, and the " Relation" has often been called Bradford and Winslow's " Journal." It contains an address to the reader signed G. Mourt, in which he says, " These ' Relations' coming to my hand from my both known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not amiss to make them more general." The " Relations" being anonymous, it was natural that they should have taken their name from the editor and been called Mourt's " Relation." Dr. Young was the first to suggest the theory that Mourt was an abbreviated form of Mourton or Morton, and that George Mor- ton, who came to Plymouth in the " Ann," in 1623, is the only person to whom the initials and the words in the opening address (" as myself then much desired and shortly hope to eflFect,if the Lord will the putting to of my shoulders in this hopeful business") will apply. Following the address is a letter " to his much respected friend J. P.," signed R, G. The recipient of the letter was undoubtedly John Peirce, as antiquarian students generally suppose, but it is not easy to adopt the theory of Young, Dexter, and others, that the letter G was a misprint for C, and that Robert Cushman was the author. It must be remembered that Cushman came to Plymouth in the "Fortune," arriving Nov. 9, 1621, and sailed in her on his return on the 11th of the next month. As Cushman was a stranger in the colony and a passen- ger in the vessel which carried the " Relation" to England, the letter of which the following is a copy bears, as the reader will see, internal evidence throwing serious doubts on this theory :

'• Good Friend :

"As we cannot but account it an e.'itraordinary blessing of God in directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, — for that we hud the happiness to be pos sessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful, and most beautiful parts of the world, — so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be mul- tiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession, and enjoying thereof under the authority of those thrice honored persons, The President and Council for the affairs of New Eng- land, by whose bounty and grace in that behalf all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto them, as those under his Majesty that we owe it unto, whose noble endeavors in these their actions ihe God of heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts.

"As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as being writ by the several actors themselves after their plain and rude manner. Therefore, doubt nothing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in anything it is their ignorance that are better ac- quainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are in and the hopes that are apparent cannot but suflBce any that will not desire more than enough. Neither is there want of aught among us but company to enjoy the bless- ings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I was writing this I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the Relation itself to your further consider- ation, and therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest

Plymout

in the

EXGL

vay

of frii

It is not only clear that such a letter must have been written by one who was one of the original com- pany in the " Mayflower," and who still remained in Plymouth after the departure of the " Fortune," but no one besides one of the writers would have spoken of " this poor Relation," or attributed its defects to the ignorance of those who were better acquainted with " planting than writing." It is a serious charge against Cushman to declare him to be author of such a statement against AVinslow, whose use of language in the " Relation" itself shows him to have been a man of education and culture. There was a Richard Gardiner among the " Mayflower" passengers who was living at the time of the division of lands in 1624, and, notwithstanding the statement of Brad- ford in his history, made, perhaps erroneously, twenty-five years afterwards, that he became a sea- man and returned to England, it is more probable that he was the author than Cushman. If a mis- print is within the limits of possibility, it would be more likely to point to Richard Clarke, another of the " Mayflower" passengers, as the unknown writer.

The authorship of the above letter is important, because, if not attributable to Cushman, the writer must have shared with Bradford and Winslow the authorship of the " Relation" itself That part of the work called a " Journal of the beginninss and

38

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

proeeedings of the English Plantation, " is attributed to Bradford, and probably correctly so. With as un- doubted correctness, the second paper in the " Rela- tion," concerning; the journey to " Packanokick," is attributed to Winslow. It betrays a familiarity with the use of language and a facility of expression which are found in no other Pilgrim writer. The third and fourth papers, concerning expeditions to Nauset and Nemasket, have the characteristics of neither Bradford nor Winslow, and may, with some consider- able reason, be attributed to the unknown writer. Again, in the fifth paper, concerning a voyage to Mas- sachusetts, the style of Winslow is seen, and the claim that he was its author is undoubtedly correct. The two remaining papers are signed with the initials '■E. W." to one, and " R. C." to the other, and were written by Winslow and Cushman.

The " Relation" was first printed in London, by John Bellamie, in 1622, and enjoys the distinction of being the corner-stone of American literature. Surely no claim can, with justice, be made in behalf of the writers in Virginia, all of whom, whose writings were printed in England before this period, were merely temporary sojourners in the land. Until 1841, when Dr. Y''oung reproduced it in his '■ Chron- icles," it was never reprinted in a complete form. In 1865 the first reissue was made under the intelligent and careful editorship of Henry Martyn Dexter, in which, as he says in his introduction, " the endeavor has been made to follow exactly the first copies in style of type, paging, and identity of embellishment, in all of which particulars neither pains nor expense has been spared to render it worthy of the confidence and favor of connoisseurs. Every caption, initial let- ter, and ornamental heading has been engraved in facsimile from the original, and the only defect in the reproduction is, that the copy — thanks to the su- perior capabilities of the modern press — is a great deal more .splendid than its modest prototype ever was in all the glory of its freshness."

Cushman's sermon, already alluded to, wasdelivered in the Common House during his short visit in Plym- outh, and was also printed in London in 1622. Original copies of this sermon are in existence, as well as of Mourt's "Relation." Mr. Cushman was not a clergyman, and the title of sermon, according to our acceptation of the word, is incorrectly applied to it, though it was delivered from the text, 1 Cor. x. 24: "Let no man seek his own, but every man another's wealth." Dr. Y''oung .states that he found in a tract, printed at London, 1644, entitled " A brief Narrative" of some church courses in New England, the following allusion to this sermon : " There is a

book printed called A Sermon preached at Plymouth, ill New England, which, as I am certified, was made there by a comber of wool."

In 1624 a book entitled " Good News from New England," written by Edward Winslow, was published I in London, " showing the wondrous providence and ! goodness of God" in the preservation and continuance I of the Plymouth Plantation, " together with a Rela- I tion of such religious and civil laws and customs as are in practice among the Indians, as also what com- modities are there to be raised for the maintenance of I that and other Plantations in the said country." In i 1646, " Hypocrasie Unmasked," also written by Ed- I ward Winslow, was published in London, containing j a relation of the proceedings against Samuel Gorton, 1 together with an answer to the slanders and falsehoods promulgated by him, " whereunto is added a brief 1 Relation of the true grounds or cause of the first

planting of New England." [ The " History of Plymouth Plantation." by Wil- liam Bradford, has had an eventful career. After having remained in manuscript for more than two hundred years, it was first printed by the Massachu- setts Historical Society in 1856, under the editorial care of Charles Deane. The history covers a period from the formation of the Pilgrim Church to 1646. After the death of Bradford, Nathaniel Jlorton had access to, and used, the manuscript in the preparation of " New England's Memorial," and it was subse- quently made use of by Prince and Hutchinson, in 1736 and 1767 respectively. In 1705 it was in the possession of Maj. John Bradford, a grandson of the Governor, and was borrowed by Thomas Prince, while preparing his " Annals," and deposited by him in the New England Library in the tower of the Old South Church. From that time nothing was known of the missingmanuscriptuntill855, when John S. Barry, at that time engaged in writing a history of Massachusetts, borrowed from a friend a small volume entitled" A His- tory of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America," in which he found passages bearing the marks of Brad- ford's style, which the author credited to a manuscript history of the Plantation of Plymouth, in the Fulham Library. Upon application to the Bishop of Oxford by Joseph Hunter, of London, at the request of Mr. Deane, the Fulham manuscript was found to be the long-lost history, and an exact copy was at once se- cured by the Historical Society for publication. How it found its resting-place in the Engli.sh library no one knows. It is thought probable, however, that during the siege of Boston, when the Old South ! Church was used as a riding-school by the British, it was abstracted, and falling into the hands of some

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

one who appreciated its value, was saved from the destruction to which much other material in the library was doomed.

• Tiie " New England's Memorial," by Nathaniel Mor- ton, was published in Cambridge, in 1069, by Sam- uel Greene and Marmaduke Johnson. It contains a history of the Plymouth Colony to near the date of its publication. The following extracts from the Old Colony Records are interesting as showing the part taken by the colony in the publication of this valu- able work. At the court held on the 5th of March, 1667, it was ordered ■' that whereas a certaiu Indian appertaining to our jurisdiction is now in hold att Boston fo"- matter of fact, and that there is probabilitie of a tender of some land for his ransome from being sent to Barbadoes, that in case the said land be ten- dered to acceptance that it shall be improved and ex- pended for the defraying of the charge of the printing of the booke intitled ' New England's Memoriall.' " On the 3d of June, 1668, it was ordered " that twenty pounds be improved by the Treasurer for and towards the printing of the booke intitled ' New England's Memoriall,' and it was likewise recommended to the several towns of the jurisdiction by their deputies to make a free and voluntary contribution in money for and towards the procuring of paper for the printing of said booke." On the 7th of July, 1668, it was ordered "that with reference to the printing of the booke intitled ' New England's Memoriall,' the Treas- urer indent with the printer for the printing thereof; and to improve that which is or shall be contributed thereunto with the sume of twenty pounds ordered by the Court to that end, and the sume of five pounds more if he shall see cause, the said twenty-five pounds to be out of the countreyes stock ; and to indent with Mr. Green to print it if he will do it as cheap as the other, and for the number of coppyes, to do as he shall see cause." And on the 3d of July, 1669, it was ordered " that the Treasurer, in the behalf of the countrey, is to make good a barrel of merchantable beefe to Mr. Green, the printer, att Cambridge, which is to satisfy what is behind unpayed for and towards the printing of the book called ' New England's Jlem- oriall,' which barrel of biefe is something more than is due by bargain, but tlie Court is willing to allow it in consideration of his complaint of a hard bargaine about the printing of the book aforesaid." A second edition was published in Boston, in 1721, by Nicholas Boone, to which was added a supplement by Josiah Cotton, of Plymouth. In 1772 a third edition was published in Newport by Solomon Southwick, and about 1820 a fourth edition, with the supplement by Cotton, by Allen Danforth, of Plymouth. In 1826

a fifth edition was published under the editorial care of John Davis, who added copious notes of great in- terest and value. Nathaniel Morton was the son of George Morton, the presumed editor of Mourt's " Rela- tion," who came to Plymouth in the " Ann," in 1623, bringing, with his other children, his son Nathaniel, then ten years of age. He was the secretary of the colony from 1645 to 1685, the year of his death, and also clerk of the town of Plymouth. The records and papers relating to the colony and town are full of his writing, and bear testimony which his memorial rein-' forces and confirms to his intelligence, fidelity, and usefulness.

These books, together with here and there a pub- lished letter, tract, pamphlet, or sermon, constitute the literature of the Old Colony up to the time of the union with Massachusetts in 1692. No other evi- dence is needed to show the intelligence and culture of a community than that found in its demand for intellectual effort and its ability to furnish the men to supply it. No other colony before or since can furnish so complete and exhaustive a record of its acts and events as that of the Old Colony, in which the fate of every man, woman, and child is accounted for, — a record which neither cold, nor hunger, nor sick- ness, nor sorrow over the dead could silence or even interrupt.

On the 22d of May, 1627, it was " concluded by the whole company that the cattle which were the companies, to wit, the cows & the goats, should be equally divided by lot to all the psons of the same company, and so kept until the expiration of ten years after the date above written. That the old stock with half the increase should remain for com- mon use, to be divided at the end of the said term or otherwise as occasion falleth out, and the other half to be their own forever."

; Cooke and his comjiany joined

"1. The first lot fell I to him, his wife,

Hester Cooke. To this lot fell the least of

3. John Cooke. the 4 black Heifers which came

4. Jacob Cooke. on the Jacob and two she-

5. Jane Cooke. goats, fi. Hesier Cooke.

7. Mary Cooke.

8. Moses Simonson.

9. Philip Delanoy.

10. Experience Mitchell.

11. John Faunce.

12. Joshua Pratt.

13. Phineas Pratt.

"2. Tli£ second lot fell to Mr. Isaac Allerton &. his company joined to him, his wife,

Fear Allerton. To this lot fell the great cow

3. Bartholomew Allerton. which came in the Ann, to

4. Remember Allerton. which they must keep the

40

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH.

5. Mary Allerton. 6 Sarah Allerton. 7. Cuthbert Cuthbertson S. Sarah Cuthbertson. 9. Samuel Cuthbertscm.

10. Mary Priest.

11. Sarah Priest.

12. Edward Bompasse.

13. John Crackstone. "3. The third lot fell

joined to him, his wife,

2. Barbara Standish.

3. Charles Standish.

4. Alexander Standish.

5. John Standish.

6. Edward Winslow.

7. Susanna Winslow.

S. Edward Winslow, Jr. 9. John Winslow.

10. Resolved White.

11. Peregrine White.

12. Abraham Peirce.

13. Thomas Clarke. "4. The fourth

joined to him, his wife,

2. Elizabeth Rowland.

3. John Ilowland, Jr.

4. Desire Howlan.i.

5. William Wright.

6. Thomas Morton, Jr

7. John Aldcn.

:r of the

.dish

To this lot fell the red cow which belongeth to the poor of the colony, to which they must keep her calf of this year, being a Bull, for the company. Also to this lot came two she-

(This was the cow presented

the colo

bv Ja

She

ley.)

fell

To this lot fell one of the four heifers which came in the Jacob, called Raghorn.

Eli;

;illa Alden. ibeth Alden.

11. Edward Dalton.
12. Edward llolman.
13. John Aldcn.
"5. The fifth lot fell to Mr	William Brewster an.l his corn-
pany joined to him.
2. Love Brewster.	To this lot fell one of the
3. Wrestling Brewster.	four heifers which came in the
4. Richard More.	Jacob, called the blind Heifer,
5. Henry Samson.	and two she-goats.
6. Jonathan Brewster.
7. Lucretia Brewster.
8. William Brewster. •
9. Mary Brewster.
10. Thomas Prence.
U. Patience Prence.
12. Rebecca Prence.
13. Humilitie Cooper.
"6. The sixth lot fell to	John Shaw an<l his company
joined
1. To him.	Tu this lot fell the lesser of
2. John Adams.	the black cows which came at
3. Elinor Adams.	first in the Ann, with which
4. James Adams.	they must keep the biggest of
5. John Winslow.	the two steers. Also to this
C. Mary Winslow.	lot was two she-goats.
7. William Bassett.
8. Elizabeth Bassett.
9. William Bassett, Jr.
10. Elizabeth Bassett.
11. Francis Sprague.
12. Anna Sprague.
13. Mercy Sprague.

" 7. The seventh lot fell to Stephen Hopkins and his com- pany joined to him, his wife,

Elizabeth Hopkins. To this lot fell a black wean-

3. Gyles Hopkins. ing calf, to which was added

4. Caleb Hopkins. the calf of the year to come of

5.